Skip to main content

Full text of "Southern Historical Society papers"

See other formats


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2012 


Historical Society Papers, 




Secretary of the Southern Historical Society. 


Published by the Society. 








I. Address of Hon. John Lamb in R. E. Lee Camp C. V., in 

Accepting the Portrait of Gen. T. T. Munford i 

II. Causes of the War, i86r-5. By Julian L. Wells 13 

III. The First Virginia Infantry at the Battle of Gettysburg, 

and the Charge of Pickett's Division. By Charles T. 
Loehr 33 

IV. Virginia's Contribution in Arms and Men to the Con- 

federate States Army 43 

V. Relative Numbers of the United States and Confederate 

States Armies. By Cazenove G. Lee 46 

VI. Parole List of Virginia Troops, Army Northern Virginia. 

By Colonel T. M. R. Talcott 51 

VII. Attempted Sale of the Federal Fleet in the Mississippi 
River; Desertion of Lieutenant D. W. Glenney. By 
General Marcus J. Wright 58 

VIII. Retreat from Petersburg to Appomattox C. H.; Bridges 

Burned. By Colonel T. M. R. Talcott 67 

IX. The Burning of Richmond, April 3, 1865; Federal Troops 

who Entered the City. By Colonel E. H. Ripley. 73 

X. The Second Battle of Manassas, and the ?ist Virginia In- 
fantry therein; Pope's Retreat; Troops Engaged and 
Losses Incurred. By John H. Worsham 77 

XI. Sheridan's Bummers, and His Devastation of the Shenan- 
doah Valley. By A. S. Paxton 89 


XII. Death of Stonewall Jackson at the Hands of His Own 

Men; Last Order of. By I. C. Haas 94 

XIII. Why John Wilkes Booth Shot Lincoln; The Execution of 

Captain John Yates Beall. By Mrs. B. G. Clifford 99 

XIV. Confederate Diplomacy. By John Witherspoon DuBose, 102 

XV. A Midnight Charge, and the Death of General J. E. B. 

Stuart. By W. B. Poindexter 117 

XVI. The Battle of Shiloh, and its National Military Park and 

Monuments. By General Marcus J. Wright 122 

XVII. Presentation of the Portrait of General Wade Hampton to 
R. E. Camp, C. V., with the Addresses of Colonel W. 
W. Finney and Hon. Charles T. O'Ferrall 134 

XVIII. General Eppa Hunton and his Services in the Victory of 

Bull Run 143 

XIX. Southern Women in the War 1 861-5. By T. C. DeLeon. . 149 

XX. Tribute to General J. B. Hood. By Ida Richardson Hood, 151 

XXI. The Gold of the C. S. Treasury Guarded to Atlanta, Ga., 

by the Naval Cadets. By Dr. John W. Harris 157 

XXII. Last Days of the Confederacy in North Carolina and the 

Action of Governor Z. B. Vance. By W. J. Saunders. . . 164 

XXIII. Judah P. Benjamin; Recollections of, in London. By C. A. 

Richardson 169 

XXIV. The Pulaski Guards, Company C, 4th Virginia Infantry; 

Organization of; at the First Battle of Manassas; The 
Original "Rebel Yell." By J. B. Caddall 174 

XXV. Address of General Stephen D. Lee at Nashville, Tenn., 

June 14, 1904 178 

XXVI. Battle of Gettysburg, and the Charge of Pickett's Division. 
By Colonel Rawley Martin and Captain John Holmes 
Smith 183 


XXVII. List of Confederate States Flags Captured from Virginia 

Troops; when, and where* 195 

XXVIII. Battle of Spotsylvania C. H., May 12, 1864; "The Bloody 
Angle"; What the 49th Virginia and Pegram's Brigade 
Did There; Episode of " General Lee to the Rear." By 
Colonel J. Catlett Gibson and Dr. W. W. Smith 200 

XXIX. Colonel H. A. Carrington; His Life and Services. By 

Colonel Geo. C, Cabell 216 

XXX. Steel Breast Plates Worn as Defensive Armor by Federal 

Soldiers 221 

XXXI. Battle of Cedar Creek, October 19, 1864; A Vindication 

of General J. A. Early. By Captain J. S. McNeily 223 

XXXII. The Fredericksburg Artillery, Captain E. S. Marye, in 
the Three Days' Battle at Fredericksburg, July, 1863; 
First Appearance of the Confederate Flag with White 
Field. ByC.R. Fleet 240 

XXXIII. The Ironclad Virginia, and What She Accomplished March 

8 and 9, 1862. By Wm. R. Cline 243 

XXXIV. The Griffith-Barksdale-Humphrey Mississippi Brigade, and 

its Campaigns. By Captain James Dinkins 250 

XXXV. Causes of the War 1861-5, and Events of the First Year, 
Particularly in North Carolina ; Address by Major Gra- 
ham Daves 275 

XXXVI. The Battle of Chickamauga; Address by Captain James 

Dinkins 299 

XXXVII. Sherman's Expedition from Vicksburg to Meridian, Feb- 
ruary 3 to March 6, 1864; His Vandalism. By General 
Stephen D. Lee 310 

XXXVIII. The Shenandoah; Sketch of the Eventful Life of the Con- 
federate Cruiser, Captain J. I. Waddell ; Carried the C. 
S. Flag Around the World; Address by Captain Samuel 
A. Ashe 320 

*A bill was offered in the House of Representatives by Hon. John Lamb for the return of 
these flags to the Governors of the several States respectively to which they belonged, which 
was passed and was unanimously adopted by the Senate February 23, 1905 


XXXIX. The Featherstone-Posey-Harris Mississippi Brigade, and its 

Services. By Captain E. Howard McCaleb 329 

XL. The Prison Life of Jefferson Davis at Fort Monroe, with 
General Nelson A. Miles as Jailer. By Colonel William 
H. Stewart 338 

XLI. Historic Waters of Virginia and their Defenses, with the 
Achievements of the Ironclad Virginia. By Ex-Governor 
Wm. E. Cameron 347 

XLII. The Last Salute of the Army of Northern Virginia; De- 
tails of the Surrender at Appomattox C. H., April 9, 
1865. By General J. L. Chamberlain 356 

XLIII. Communication of General C.J. Polignac as to His Mission 

to France in 1865; Defence of President Davis 364 

XLIV. Prison Life of Jefferson Davis; Letter on. By Mrs. Davis, 371 

Southern Historical Society Papers. 

VOL. XXXII. Richmond, Va., January-December. 1904, 


On March 24, 1899, at Richmond, Virginia, in the Hall of 
R. E. Lee Camp, No. 1, C. V. 


The Portrait of General THOMAS T. MUNFORD, C. S. Cavalry. 

[The portrait, in oil, of General Thomas T. Munford, Confeder- 
ate States Cavalry, a striking life-likeness, executed by Bernard 
Gutman, of Lynchburg-, Virginia, was presented on Friday even- 
ing, March 24, 1899, to Robert E. Lee Camp, No. 1, Confederate 
Veterans, in a chaste address by Major Samuel Griffin of Bedford 
City, Virginia, who served as Adjutant-General on the staff of Gen- 
eral Munford. It was evidently, as stated by the speaker, " a labor 
of love," and was in glowing eulogy of the personal virtues and 
valor of the distinguished cavalry leader. The description of the 
disbanding of General Munford's famous command after the mem- 
orable surrender of April 9, 1865, was highly pathetic. 

The speaker said, in conclusion, that he could not refrain from a 
passing tribute to the signal gallantry on the field of battle, he had 
so often witnessed in his old comrade Captain Lamb, who was to 
follow him in accepting the portrait of their beloved commander. 

The remarks of Captain Lamb were in deep feeling and unos- 
tentatiously characteristic of him. They embody many details of 
history of intrinsic value as the testimony of a participant in mo- 
mentous campaigns and engagements covering the period of the 
stupendous struggle of the South for independence. Captain 
Lamb the oft-re elected, efficient and popular representative of the 
third district in our National Congress, in his exemplified merit is 
well-known to our people. 

The occasion was highly enjoyed by a large and intelligent aud- 
ience comprehending leading ladies and gentlemen of our city and 

2 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

its vicinity, the Society of the Daughters of the Confederacy, and 
war-worn veterans, in force. 

There was enlivening music under the direction of Professor Her- 
bert Rees, and a touching solo by Mrs Walter Mercer. 

The paper of Captain Lamb is now for the first time printed.— 

Mr. Commander, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

It is a pleasant duty at any time to respond to a request from 
Lee Camp. It is further an honor to be detailed for the special 
duty of receiving another portrait to be added to the splendid 
galaxy that surrounds us on these walls. This is a portrait, my 
comrades, of one in whose command I served; whose splendid 
form and mein come before my mind's eye even now as I call up 
the past and see him at the head of his old 2d Regiment, or leading 
a charge of the brigade he commanded so admirably. 

I would ask your sympathy, and invite your friendly criticism, as 
I attempt to condense in a brief compass that which would require 
more than an hour to rehearse, in order that justice might be done 
to the deserts of my old friend and comrade whose portrait I grate- 
fully accept. 

Our thanks are due the comrade, Major Samuel Griffin, the Ad- 
jutant-General of our old brigade, for his eloquent and tasty address 
in presenting this portrait. He has relieved, in great measure, the 
burden which would have rested upon me, for he has told far better 
than I might of the distinguished services rendered by General 
Munford. These heroes, living and dead, who look down upon us 
from our walls, have made history. Let us, their comrades and 
survivors, as well as the sons whom God has vouchsafed us, see that 
it is preserved, and the records of these our glorious heroes handed 
down to the generations that shall follow us. I know of no better 
way to preserve the truth than through your camp organizations, 
and that of the Sons of Veterans. These young gentlemen will 
to-night learn something of the sacrifices of a gallant Confederate 
leader, who was among the very first to enlist, and the very last to 
lay down his arms ; who, as commander of the splendid 2nd regi- 
ment of cavalry, led the advances and guarded the flanks, and pick- 
eted the lines of Stonewall Jackson, who, after the death of Ashby, 
led the men who so often responded to the bugle call of that bril- 
liant commander. 

When General Jackson's command moved to the assistance of 

Address of Captain John Lamb. 3 

Lee in the combined attack upon McClellan, that resulted in the 
seven days fight around this historic city, Colonel Munford's regi- 
ment accompanied his command, and participated, as far as the 
nature of the densely wooded country would permit, in the fights 
around Richmond. At White Oak Swamp, where Jackson was 
detained a whole day, while Long-street and A. P. Hill were deliv- 
ering the fearful battle of Frazier's Farm, Colonel Munford was 
called upon to perform one of those difficult tasks that often fall to 
the lot of this arm of the service. As the part he performed that 
day has been misunderstood and erroneous impressions prevail as 
to the cause of Jackson's delay at White Oak Swamp, let me, in 
the fewest words possible, give the exact situation. While Magru- 
der engaged the Federal forces on the afternoon of the 29th of 
June, 1862, Jackson's forces were rebuilding Grape Vine Bridge, 
and only succeeded in crossing the Chickahominy after darkness 
had fallen. On reaching White Oak Swamp on the 30th, he or- 
dered Munford to cross the stream, notwithstanding the enemy had 
torn up the bridge and planted their artillery so as to command the 
crossing. Crutchfield brought up two batteries of artillery and 
opened on the enemy. Munford's leading squadron moved across 
under almost insuperable difficulties. 

The regiment soon followed, charging the Federal batteries, but 
were repulsed by the infantry line of battle. Munford moved down 
the stream, and recrossed with great difficulty by a cow-path. He 
informed General Jackson that the infantry could cross below the 
bridge, but the engineers thought that they could cross better 
above it. A division of infantry was therefore put in above, but, 
after wasting hours of valuable time, failed to effect a crossing. 

For an interesting page of the chapter of accidents that followed 
us from Gaines' Mill to " Westover," see the letter of General Mun- 
ford on page 80 of the Campaigns of Stuart, by H. B. McClellan. 

On page 466 of Dabnef 's Life of Jackson, we find these signi- 
ficant words: "Two columns pushed with determination across 
the two fords, at which the cavalry of Munford passed over and 
returned — the one in the centre, and the other at the left — and pro- 
tected in their outset by the oblique fire of a powerful artillery, so 
well posted on the right, would not have failed to dislodge Frank- 
lin from a position already half lost. The list of casualties would 
have indeed been larger than that presented on the 30th, of one 
cannoneer mortally wounded. But how much shorter would have 
been the bloody list filled up the next clay at Malvern Hill. ' ' When 

4 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Dabney says, " this temporary eclipse of Jackson's genius was pro- 
bably to be explained by physical causes ;" the whole story of the 
White Oak Swamp is told in a few words. I wish to emphasize 
the fact that Colonel T. T. Munford performed well and satisfac- 
torily the part assigned him that day, for on a little slip of paper 
General Jackson wrote to him: " I congratulate you on getting 

Had Munford' s suggestion been followed, Franklin would have 
been forced back to where Heintzelman and McCall were barely 
holding their own against Longstreet and A. P. Hill. 

The Federal forces, disputing the passage of Fisher's Run by 
Armistead and Mahone, would have been forced to fall back, and 
Huger's whole division would have reinforced Longstreet ; while 
Magruder at Timberlake's store, on the Darbytown Road, at two 
o'clock, the 30th, was within two hours' march of Glendale. To 
one who understands the topography of this country it looks as if 
the very stars in their courses fought against us on the fateful 30th 
of June, 1862. A month of inactivity succeeded the seven days' 
battles and then followed the second Manassas campaign. 


The 2d Virginia cavalry was assigned to duty as the advance 
guard of Jackson's corps. McClellan, in his life of Stuart, says: 
"Colonel Munford had seen much service in the Valley under 
Jackson, and had performed the same duty for him during the bat- 
tles around Richmond. " 

At Bristoe Station Jackson sent Colonel Munford to surprise and 
capture the place ; this he succeeded in doing, dispersing a cavalry 
company, capturing forty-three of an infantry regiment, and killing 
and wounding a goodly number. He participated in the move- 
ments that culminated in the capture of Manassas Junction with a 
large quantity of stores, and when Ewell had to withdraw from 
Bristoe Station, the 2d and 5th regiments, under Munford and Ros- 
ser, covered his rear. On the 28th, 29th and 30th of July, 1862, 
the fights at Grovetown and Manassas occurred. There were nu- 
merous engagements of the cavalry, with only a few reports. In 
one of these, near the Lewis House, Robertson's brigade, to which 
the 2d regiment had been attached, met Buford's cavalry brigade 
in one of the most brilliant fights of the war. Every account I 
have met with, accords to Munford and the 2d Virginia the honors 

Address of Captain John Lamb. 5 

of the fight. Munford led the charge, and was dismounted by 
a sabre stroke, and his horse killed. 

In a few moments, five of his men were killed outright, and over 
forty wounded. The 7th and 12th regiments — the latter com- 
manded by Colonel A. W. Harman — supported the charge. In 
this fight more than 300 prisoners were captured. 


Stuart's cavalry crossed the Potomac on the 5th of September ; 
Fitz Lee moving on the New Market, Hampton on Hoyattstown 
roads, while Munford covered Sugar Loaf mountain, with his pickets 
extended as far as Poolesville. The 6th regiment had been detached, 
and the 17th battalion sent on some special duty ; so that Munford 
had only three regiments, the 7th, 12th and 2d. On the 7th of 
September, Pleasanton's cavalry drove in Munford' s pickets, and 
on the next day attaeked his command with superior numbers, 
driving the 12th regiment before them in some confusion. The 
sharp shooters of the 2d regiment checked this advance near 
Barnesville. On the following day, the 9th of September, occurred 
the fight at Monocacy Church, in which the 7th again suffered loss. 
On the 10th Pleasanton attacked Munford on Sugar Loaf Moun- 
tain, but was repulsed ; on the 14th Franklin's corps advanced in 
force, and Munford retired to a point near Frederick. The critical 
situation of the Confederate army on the 14th of September is well 
known to the old soldiers, as well as to the students of history. 

The dispatch to D. H. Hill that fell into McClellan's hands re- 
vealed the position of our troops, and accounts for the vigor of the 
Federals at Crampton's Gap and other points — the defence of the 
former by Munford, with his two regiments, and a fragment of the 
two regiments from Mahone's brigade, under the gallant Colonel 
Parham, deserves a more extended notice than can be given here. 
With less than 800 men he held in check for three hours three bri- 
gades of Slocum's, and two of Smith's divisions. As the Federals 
closed down upon Sharpsburg he was assigned to the right of Lee's 
line of battle, and on the 12th and 18th was actively engaged in 
skirmishing with the Federal cavalry. I regret that time will not 
permit even extracts from his report. 


On the 10th of October two columns of the Federal army ad- 
vanced with the view of ascertaining the position of General Lee's 

6 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

army. The one from Harper's Ferry, under General W. S. Han- 
cock, was composed of 1,500 infantry, four regiments of cavalry 
and four pieces of artillery — numbering perhaps 5,000 men or more. 
This advance was opposed by Colonel Munford with a part of the 
2d, 7th and 1 2th Virginia cavalry. He was supported by one gun 
of Chew s battery, and three of the Richmond Howitzers under 
Captain B. H. Smith, Jr. 

Captain Smith lost a foot in this fight, and Lieutenant H. C. 
Carter, of this city, was badly wounded. By one of those curious 
mistakes that sometimes occur, Colonel Munford mistook this Car- 
ter for J. W. Carter, who was in Chew's battery. McClellan in 
Life of Stuart follows this report. So, we are engaged to-night in 
correcting, as well as preserving, history. 


On the 10th of November, 1862, the cavalry brigades were re- 
organized and W. H. F. Lee and W. E. Jones were promoted to 
the rank of Brigadier-General, Colonel Thomas T. Munford who 
had so ably commanded Robertson's brigade as we have shown, 
was transferred with his regiment to Fitz Lee's brigade, which he 
afterwards commanded in so many engagements. The officers and 
men of his command soon learned to appreciate his soldierly bear- 
ing and gave him loyal support, while his excellent qualities of 
head and heart endeared him to all who were thrown in social in- 
tercourse with him. In winter quarters and around camp fires the 
non-commissioned officers and privates conversed as freely with him 
as they would have in the social circle of their own homes. 

A private of my own company, who was detailed as a courier to 
Colonel Munford, when he returned to his command, never tired 
of telling his messmates how kind and considerate the General was 
to the private soldiers of his command. Perhaps in this respect the 
Confederate army differed from every other army in the world, and 
was in striking contrast with the Federal, chiefly because that army 
was composed in good part of foreigners. In a regiment captured 
by my brigade, a half-dozen different languages were spoken, and 
it was a ludicrous scene to witness their efforts at conversation. 

CAMPAIGN, JULY 31, 1863. 

The Fredericksburg field offered little opportunity to the cavalry. 
In the Chancellorsville fight, at Burnt Furnace, and Ely's Ford, as 

Address of Captain John Lamb. 7 

well as in the delicate task of screening- the last flank movement, of 
Jackson, effective work was done, of which few reports were made. 
Following these fights, came the battles of Kelly's Ford, March 
13, 1863, and "Fleetwood Hill" of June 9th, 1863. Thesedeserve 
a fuller notice than can be given. At the last fight, one of the se- 
verest cavalry engagements of modern times, Munford commanded 
the 1st, 2nd and 3rd regiments. He was at Oak Shade, seven miles 
from Fleetwood when the action begun, and owing to conflicting 
orders received, was delayed in his march. He arrived in time 
to render valuable assistance, and his sharp-shooters repulsed the 
enemy on the left of our lines. He has been blamed for the delay. 
I marched wi.h him, heard the orders he received, and commanded 
his sharp shooters, losing three men killed, and eighteen wounded 
in a very few minutes 'after getting into the fight. I have not been 
able to find his official report but the statement made from mem- 
ory is very nearly corroborated by McClellan in his life of Stuart. 

In this fight known as "Fleetwood" about 10,000 cavalrymen 
on each side, were engaged all day. The Confederate loss was 
over 500, and the Federal over goo killed, wounded and missing. 

I wish that some of these infantry soldiers could have stood on 
the hill at the Barbour house and been lookers on. It was a "glor- 
ious sight to see, for him who had no friend, no brother there." 

The fights at Aldie, Middleburg and Upperville were spirited af- 
fairs. Colonel Munford commanded the 2nd and 3rd regiments. 
He reports the capture of 138 prisoners, while his own loss was 119. 
We find few reports from Federal officers in these battles. In the 
three engagements, Stuart reports a loss of 65 killed, 279 wounded, 
and 166 missing. 

McClellan in his life of Stuart gives the Federal loss at 827. On 
the 1 2th of June General Stuart began the hazardous movement of 
crossing the Potomac and marching around the Federal army. He 
selected Hampton's, Fitz Lee's and W. H. F. Lee's brigades, leav- 
ing those of Robertson and W. E. Jones to accompany the army into 
Pennsylvania. These, with Jenkins' brigade, must have numbered 
4,000s abres, and yet we have often heard, and most men think, 
that Lee's army was left without cavalry. Verily, it will take an 
hundred years to correct the errors of our history. Do you ask 
who will be enquiring about it at the end of the 20th century? All 
students of military tactics, the descendants of these sons of vete- 
rans who will be tracing their history back to the men who rode 
with Stuart and Hampton, and marched under Lee and Jackson. 

8 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

The inexorable law of heredity will quicken this study. Though gen- 
erations of Virginians have been on the inquiry as to where they 
came from, giving little attention as to where they may be going. 
The members of Stuart's cavalry grow weary when you speak of 
the Gettysburg campaign, during the long days and sleepless 
nights that attended our long march, in rear of the Federal army, 
on to Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and back to Gettysburg, where we 
fought on the 3rd of July. Colonel Munford commanded Fitz 
Lee's brigade, after Hampton was wounded, and Fitz Lee was given 
the division. On the 3rd of July all of this brigade, save the 4th 
Virginia was engaged ; the opposing forces being commanded by 
Gregg and Custer. The former reports a loss of 295, and the lat- 
ter, 502, which clearly indicates the magnitude of the fight. Time 
will fail to tell of the Bristoe campaign, the fights at Jack's shop and 
James City, the Buckland races, and Kilpatrick's raid. As I men- 
tion the names the old cavalrymen of Wickham's brigade will recall 
many a scene indelibly fixed in their memory, as well as the noble 
bearing of the soldier whose portrait is added this night to the 
splendid array of heroes surrounding these walls. During the win- 
ter of 1863-64 while our army was in Culpeper county and the cav- 
alry guarding all the fords of the Rappahannock, Colonel Munford, 
Colonel W. R. Carter (who fell at Trevillian's), Captain Fox, of 
Gloucester and Captain Hammond of the 2nd regiment and myself, 
served on a court-martial., occupying the same hotel with Colonel 
Munford, and often consulting him upon trying and distressing cases 
that came before us, I learned to know and love the man, and there 
began a friendship that lasted throughout the war, and has contin- 
ued to this day. Many of us were anxious to see Colonel Munford 
promoted. When I guardedly referred to this no word of com- 
plaint fell from his lips. Only the good of the service and an ar- 
dent desire to contribute all in his power to this end seemed to move 

The Wilderness campaign opened in May, 1864, and our de- 
liberations at Orange Courthouse were ended by a summons from 
headquarters to join our respective commands. I can never forget 
a prophetic remark of Rev. J. C. Hiden at Orange. As we 
mounted our horses he said; "I hear the guns now. The next 
thing I expect to learn will be that you gentlemen are killed." In 
a few days we saw Captain Fox, and Hammond — than whom I 
never knew more gallant men — fall near the glorious Stuart at Yel- 
low Tavern. At Trevillian's the noble-hearted Carter fell, leading 

Address of Captain John Lamb. 9 

the 3rd regiment, boys whom he loved so well, and every one of 
whom he could call by name. 


This campaign furnishes an interesting study, and these young 
men, fired with the military spirit, will do well to read carefully the 
reports of the same. 

Wickham's brigade rendered most effective service in this cam- 
paign. Its losses, from the Rapidan to Petersburg, were simply 
fearful. They have been related around the camp fires of this 
camp, and our active, untiring and enthusiastic comrade, Thomas 
W. Sydnor, in presenting the portrait of the noble Wickham, gave 
many incidents that recalled vividly those dark and bloody days. 

Wickham, who had been brigadier-general since September, 
1863, was in charge of his own brigade. He was a member of the 
Confederate Congress at the same time that he was a general in the 

This accounts for the fact that Colonel Munford is so often men- 
tioned as commanding the brigade. 

The temptation is very great to stop here and tell of Todd's 
Tavern and Jarrall's Mill and Mitchell's Shop and Yellow Tavern, 
Meadow Bridge and Haw's Shop and second Cold Harbor, where 
we neared the border land of independence, but I am reminded 
that the infantry needs rest. It was our business to see that they 
enjoyed in absolute security " Nature s sweet restorer" and to bear 
with Christian patience and fortitude their facetious jokes at our 

At the Trevillian fight Colonel Munford, with the 2d regiment, 
captured Custer's batteries with his headquarter' s wagon and his 
letters. I had in my possession Mrs. General Custer's letter to 
General Munford acknowledging the return of General Custer's 
cape and sash. 

During the war with Spain I made application for a commission 
for General Munford. Had his letter authorizing me to see the 
Secretary of War and the President, and offer his services to the 
government, been received two weeks sooner than it was, I feel 
sure he would have been given a commission. 

With his accustomed modesty, he neglected to ask for the en- 
dorsements he could so easily have obtained, and wrote me to offer his 
services, saying that no one knew him better than I did, and that 
he was satisfied to leave the matter with me. I mention this to 

10 Sou (hern Hi sf or leal Society Papers. 

show the spirit of the man. Some philospher has said : " It is the 
spirit in which we act that is the highest matter after all." A high 
sense of duty and a distinterested patriotic spirit stirred the heart 
and nerved the arm of Munford through the four long years of our 
unequal conflict. This same spirit has made him a useful and ex- 
emplary citizen through the years since the war. After all, " Peace 
has her victories no less renowned than war." 

Many an old soldier who never quaked in the fore front of battle, 
who bravely faced the dangers nature shrinks from, was unable 
after the struggle to face life's stern duties, where moral courage 
and patient endurance is no less demanded than under the mortal 
perils of the battle field. 


We find very little in the reports touching this campaign. I 
know that Colonel Munford commanded Wickham's brigade all 
through the same, while Wickham commanded the division. In 
the Records of the Rebellion, page 513, volume 46, part 1st, Major 
J. E. D. Hotckiss says: " Rosser came and gave details of the 
Beverley affair at night and got from Munford actions of his bri- 
gade during the campaign." These reports may have gone to 
General Lee and been lost, with many others, between Petersburg 
and Appomattox. It is to be regretted that so few reports of the 
operations of the cavalry are to be met with in the records. 

Men never fought against greater odds than did our cavalry at 
Toms' Brook. Rosser had only 1,500 men. Sheridan had per- 
haps 8,000, some say 10,000. From the lookout on Massanutton 
mountain he could see that Rosser was detached from our infantry, 
so he ordered his men to turn and crush him. The horrors of 
that day are indescribable. Our troops were pressed back by the 
mere weight of numbers. After this there were many spirited en- 
gagements, with some success on our part. 

The unequal conflict was drawing to a close. 

Soldiers felt the coming events that cast their shadows before ; 
none more sensibly than the cavalrymen who daily contended 
against overwhelming numbers. The raid to Beverley and 
other points stirred their drooping spirits for the time. The bril- 
liant affair of Munford at Mt. Jackson renewed their confidence, but 
any general engagement where the men could see their lines over- 
lapped on both flanks only brought defeat to the Confederates. 

Address of Captain John Lamb. 11 

The disputes between our officers at this period are deeply to be 

At this late date I do not like to mention one subject, but having 
noticed that the records refer to a trial of Colonel Munford, I will 
state the facts. 

General Rosser ordered a detail from the 2d, 3d and 4th regiments 
to go on a raid to Beverley. 

On account of the worn down horses and dispirited men, an 
earnest protest was made. Colonel Munford, Major Charles Old 
and myself visited General Rosser at his headquarters, asking that 
the raid be abandoned, or at least delayed. Colonel. Munford 
pressed for delay, that Jack Palmer, our quartermaster, might re- 
turn from Richmond with much needed supplies. At this time 
nearly every horse in the 3d regiment needed shoeing. As senior 
captain present, I was in command of the regiment, and found great 
difficulty in securing the detail that was made up for the Beverley 

Out of the discussions and disagreements at Rosser' s headquar- 
ters, grew the arrest and trial of Colonel Munford. He was unani- 
mously acquitted by the court. 

Munford's commission as brigadier-general, according to the 
Confederate roster by Colonel Charles C. Jones, dated from No- 
vember, 1864. General Stuart recommended him highly for the 
command of Robertson's brigade, and General Hampton urged 
his appointment to the 2d brigade. Do you inquire why the de- 
lay ? I reply, West Point stood in the way. 

At Five Forks Munford commanded Fitz Lee's division, and 
bore the brunt of the attack made by Warren's corps. The re- 
cords show that we killed and wounded nearly as many of Craw- 
ford's and Chamberlain's divisions as we had men. Only a day of 
two before the surrender we captured General Gregg and many of 
his command. The 3d regiment led this charge. I have spoken 
to men here to-night who were in the fight. Lieutenant Harwood 
of my own company was killed by my side. Only a few days ago 
I was looking over a letter from General Munford, in which he 
mentioned Harwood as a brave man and gallant officer. Our 
brigade headquarter flag was carried safely to the end, and 
was placed on President Davis' bier at New Orleans, when he and 
General Early acted as pall-bearers by request of the Virginia di- 
vision of the A. N. V. The Historical Society of New Orleans has 

12 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

promised to return it. General Munford said to me : "I hope some 
day to turn it over to the museum at our dear old capital." 

Munford was born in this city. There are those here to-night 
who knew and loved his father, who was so long the Secretary of 
the Commonwealth. He has a host of friends besides the soldiers 
who followed him through the years of war. His heart beats with 
love for you and his State. 

In justice to his merits, and for your due edification, I wish that 
the duty of receiving this portrait had been assigned to one better 
equipped for the task, whilst I may plead that no more loyal and 
devoted friend of his could have been selected. 

A strong feature in the character of General Munford is his abi- 
ding love for his fellow-man. Some time ago, on his return from 
Alabama, he wrote me telling of some members of my old com- 
pany and relatives of mine in that State. He spoke in the kindest 
way of them, rejoicing at the success of many, and expressing the 
warmest feelings of sympathy for one who was deeply afflicted. 
Only this morning I glanced over the letter. The sympathetic 
paragraph suggests — 


Abou Ben Adhem (may his tribe increase !) 

Awoke one night from a deep dream of peace, 

And saw, within the moonlight in his room, 

Making it rich, and like a lily in bloom, 

An angel writing in a book of gold — 

Exceeding peace had made Ben Adhem bold, 

And to the presence in the room he said : 

" What writest thou?" The vision raised its head, 

And with a look made of all sweet accord, 

Answer' d, " The names of those who love the Lord." 

" And is mine one?" said Abou. " Nay, not so," 

Replied the angel. Abou spoke more low, 

But cheerily still ; and said : " I pray thee, then, 

Write me as one that loves his fellow-men." 

The angel wrote, and vanished. The next night, 

It came again with a great wakening light, 

And showed whom the love of God had blessed, 

And lo! Ben Adhem's name led all the rest. — Leigh Hunt. 

Causes of the War. 13 

[From the Sunday News, Charleston, S. C, November 28, 1897.] 


Traced Back to the Formation of the Constitution. 


At its Recent Anniversary Celebration— The Union all Along, from 
Its Very Foundation, had been an Alliance Between Two 
Peoples of Divergent Interests and of Dissimilar 

Many volumes might profitably, be filled with the discussion of 
this vast and intricate question, and necessarily only a very imper- 
fect outline can even be attempted here 

While in the throes of war and revolution the American colonies, 
having- made common cause against the mother country, were 
obliged to combine for mutual defence against the common danger; 
and this combination finally took shape in the Articles of Confede- 
ration and Perpetual Union, ratified in March, 1781. 

In January, 1783, Great Britain acknowledged the revolted col- 
onies, each separately and by name, as thirteen independent States, 
and agreed, on withdrawing her troops, not to carry off "any 
negroes or other property." 

In the collapse and exhaustion which must follow even successful 
revolution the States felt, almost as keenly as they had done under 
the stress of war, their individual impotence and their mutual inter- 
dependence. It was, therefore, natural that, as the impracticable 
character of the Articles of Confederation became apparent, they 
should "seek to establish a more perfect union." 

A convention, composed of delegates from twelve States, met at 
Philadelphia and the contest raged between the advocates of unlim- 
ited State sovereignty and the supporters of a modified centraliza- 
tion. The Constitution was promulgated as a compromise measure 
and recommended to the States for adoption. 

A provision authorizing the coercion of an obstructive State failed 
to meet even consideration, but was promptly thrown aside, thus 
showing undoubtedly the opinion of the convention that the Union 

14 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

could not lawfully use force against any of its members. As the 
Federalist, the organ of the Consolidation party, expressed it, 
"the States were still to be regarded as distinct and independent 

It should be noted that the existence and legality of slavery is 
recognized in three places in the Constitution, and that a disregard 
of these provisions, or the obligations arising therefrom, is in itself 
cause sufficient to justify a disruption of the Union, as a " contract 
violated on one side is abrogated on all sides." 

It is further noticeable that the eleven States which first adopted 
the Constitution were seceders from the Articles of Confederation 
and Perpetual Union and from the two States which remained loyal 
to the Federation, and that the States thus adopting the Constitu- 
tion were in a position exactly analogous to that of the Confederate 
States in 1861. 

Finally, in 1790, the last of the original thirteen States acceded 
to the new Constitution (some of them with great reluctance, New 
York and Rhode Island expressly reserving the right to secede), 
and the United States of America was launched upon its career. 

It is worthy of thoughtful consideration that "the Northern 
States declared in convention, that they had but one motive for 
forming a Constitution, and that was commerce." 

The causes which led to the rupture between the Northern and 
Southern States began to make themselves felt within a very few 
years after the adoption of the Constitution. Probably the seeds 
of inevitable controversy were sown by the attempt to found the 
Federal fabric upon an agreement in writing, which must, on ac- 
count of the limitations of language, be subject to varied construc- 


The adoption of the Constitution was effected by a political bar- 
gain, whereby to the South was secured the peaceable possession 
of its slaves, and to the North the benefits of Navigation Acts and 
protection. Thus with their own mouths and by their own acts 
the Northern States proclaimed the worship of Mammon, to which 
they have ever been faithful. Having gained by the political bargain 
every advantage they desired in the Navigation Acts and protec- 
tion, and thinking that they had squeezed out of the institution of 
slavery every possible financial profit that could accrue to them- 
selves, their conscience smote them that they should have endorsed 

Causes of the War. 15 

a national institution that promised to continue a source of wealth 
and happiness to another section, and they cried out to their God 
that they would crush out such cruel injustice — to themselves. 


The first great sectional divergence occurred on the assumption 
bill, whereby the representatives of the Northern States proposed 
that the general government should assume the various State 
debts. A large portion of the bonds of the several States had been 
bought for a song by the people of the Northern States, and should 
the United States government assume the obligation their value 
would be much increased and great would be the pecuniary profit 
of the inhabitants of the Northern States at the expense of the 
States in general. To secure this money gain the New England 
members were willing to disrupt the Union. Jefferson says : " The 
Eastern members threaten secession and dissolution," and Alexan- 
der Hamilton expressed his fears that the Northern States would 
dissolve the Union if the assumption bill were not passed. So here 
at the beginning of the life of the Union the Eastern and Northern 
States were willing to destroy it, not because their rights were vio- 
lated, but because their very questionable commercial speculation 
was objected to. 

The impending disunion was avoided by a compromise. The 
Southern members of Congress allowed the assumption bill to pass, 
while the Northern members withdrew their opposition to the 
Capital being placed at Washington. Here, as at every period of 
the ante-bellum history of the Union, the danger of compromises 
or political trades is apparent. In every bargain the South suffered 
injury. In each instance we see the mistake of attempting to avoid 
a contention by adopting the expedient as a substitute for the right. 
In every compromise the object of the South was most generous 
and patriotic, in wishing to promote the welfare of all the States, 
even at her own expense, and seeking to maintain the integrity of 
the Union when threatened by the insatiable desire of the Northern 
members of the partnership for commercial gain, but through this 
too generous yielding the South was gradually stripped of all ad- 
vantages accruing from the Union, and was finally forced into a life 
or death struggle for her rights as guaranteed under the Constitu- 

16 Son (hern Historical Society Papers. 


The view of the meaning- of the constitutional compact taken by 
the then most rampant advocates of loose construction of the Con- 
stitution in the closing years of the last century differed widely 
from the interpretation that their successors chose to adopt. 

Dr. Johnson, of Connecticut, said in the Federal Convention : 
" The fact is the States do exist as so many political societies, and 
a government is to be formed for them in their political capacity, as 
well as for the individuals composing them. Does it not seem to 
follow that if the States, as such, are to exist, they must be armed 
with some power of self-defence ?" That means the right to se- 
cede. In the same debate Mr. Ellsworth said: "He turned his 
eyes, therefore, for the preservation of his rights to the State gov- 
ernments." Mr. Ellsworth and Mr. Sherman unite in saying : 
' ' The powers vested in Congress go only to matters respecting the 
common interests of the Union and are specially defined, so that 
the particular States retain their sovereignty in other matters." 
Oliver Ellsworth further said : " The Constitution does not attempt 
to coerce sovereign bodies — States in their political capacity." 

Alexander Hamilton, the head and front of the Centralization 
party, himself says : ' ' But how can this (military) force be exerted 
on the States collectively (against State authority ?) It is impossi- 
ble." Thus, and by like examples much too numerous to quote, 
we see the view of the limitation of the powers of the general gov- 
ernment taken by the fathers of the republic and agreed to by their 
supporters and constituents. 

Before the first year of this century the tendency to consolidation 
became so apparent that two States, at least, passed resolutions as- 
sertive of their States' rights, and as these resolutions were without 
opposition or contradiction, they must have embodied the currently 
received doctrine of their time. 


The declaration of Virginia, drawn up by Mr. Madison, sets 
forth : " That in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exer- 
cise of powers not granted in said compact (the Constitution) the 
States who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty 
bound to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for 
maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, rights and 
liberties appertaining to them." 

Causes of the War. 17 

The resolutions sketched by Thomas Jefferson and passed by the 
Legislature of Kentucky declared : " That whensoever the general 
government assumes and delegates powers, its acts are unauthori- 
tative, void and of no force ; that each State acceded as a State, 
and is an integral party, its co-States forming as to itself the other 
party ; that the government created by this compact was not made 
the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to 
it, since that would have made its discretion and not the Constitu- 
tion the measure of its powers ; that as in all other cases of a com- 
pact among parties having no common judge, each party has an 
equal right to judge for itself, as well of the infractions as the mode 
and measure of redress." 

That the doctrine of States' rights and rigid construction of the 
Constitution was held by the people of the North generally and of 
New England in particular, is amply proved by their words and 
deeds, both before and after the promulgation of the above resolu- 
tions by Virginia aud Kentucky. 

Mr. Ellsworth and Mr. Sherman write : "Some additional pow- 
ers are vested in Congress, which was the principal object the 
States had in view in appointing the Convention; those matters 
extend only to the common interests of the Union, and are 
specially defined, so that the particular States retain their sover- 
eignty in other matters." 

Dr. Johnson further says : "This excludes the idea of an armed 
force." And Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, endorses this state- 
ment : "The Constitution does not attempt to coerce sovereign 
bodies — States in their political capacity." This is sufficient evi- 
dence of the extreme States' rights opinion of the New Englanders 
and their allies during the close of the last and at the opening of 
the present century. Why their opinions as to matters of right 
changed so completely in accordance with their pecuniary interests 
the generation which fought the war and crushed the South will 
have to answer to their God; they have never been able to form an 


The great sectional ground of controversy next in order after the 
assumption bill is the Embargo Act of 1807. 

Whether or not the embargo was necessary or politic is in itsel 
an intricate subject, foreign to the purposes of this discussion. 

18 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

This much, however, is certain, that it was a measure passed with 
the express purpose of protecting' the commercial interests of the 
North and New England, and in accordance with a petition pre- 
sented by the merchants of Boston; urging- that "such measures 
should be promptly adopted as will tend to disembarrass our com- 
merce, assert our rights and support the dignity of the United 
States." Similar petitions were also presented by the merchants of 
New York and Philadelphia." 

If the merchants and people of New England objected to the 
embargo, it was merely because, in their opinion, it was not an 
advisable means " to disembarrass our commerce," yet they consid- 
ered this mere difference of opinion on a matter of expediency as a 
sufficient ground for breaking up the Union, and that they had a 
right to do this, whenever their interests, in their opinion, made it 
necessary, the people of New England seem at that time to have 
had no doubt. 

The citizens of Boston addressed their Legislature as follows : 
" Our hope and consolation rest with the Legislature of our State, 
to whom it is competent to devise means of relief against the uncon- 
stitutional measures of the general government; that your power is 
adequate to this object is evident from the organization of the con- 

This and like utterances by other towns point directly to resis- 
tance to the general government. Said the Boston Sentinel: " If 
petitions do not produce a relaxation or removal of the embargo, 
the people ought immediately to assume a higher tone. The gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts has also a duty to perform. The State is 
still sovereign and independent." 

Mr. Hilhouse, of Connecticut, said in the United States Senate: 
"I consider this to be an act which directs a mortal blow at the 
liberties of my country; an act containing unconstitutional provis- 
ions, to which the people are not bound to submit, and to which, 
in my opinion, they will not submit." 

Yielding to such threats of secession the embargo was repealed 
in 1809. 

Followed close by the embargo was the ground of controversy — 
the purchase of Louisiana. This measure was clearly expedient, 
and tending to promote the power and wealth of the United States, 
yet was attacked by the New England members of Congress, not 
so much on constitutional grounds, on which it was assailable, but 
rather for the malicious reason that it would tend to increase the 

Causes of the War. 19 

prosperity and importance of the South. Such malevolence is dis- 
creditable enough to its authors as men, and gives the lie to the 
hypocritical pretensions of the New Englanders to superior sanctity, 
founded upon the sour perversions of Christianity derived from 
their Puritan ancestors. 

Mr. Quincy, of Massachusetts, used the following language in 
debate in Congress: " If this bill passes it is my deliberate opinion 
that it is virtually a dissolution of the Union that will free the States 
from their moral obligation; and, as it will be the right of all, so it 
will be the duty of some to prepare for separation, amicably if they 
can, violently, if they must." 

We here again see the right of secession declared for his constit- 
uents by one of New England's most distinguished statesmen, and 
received so much, as a matter of course, that it was not questioned. 

THE WAR OF l8l2. 

Next in the march of events comes the war of 1812. This war 
was undertaken with the avowed intention of protecting the com- 
merce and the seamen of New England from the domineering en- 
croachments of the British sea power, yet the moment that the 
stress of war begins to be felt what is the result ? The Northern 
States, having adopted the Constitution mainly for promoting their 
commercial interests, became restive as soon as their trade was in- 
terfered with by war, even though that war was entered upon for 
the purpose of protecting their commerce, and though their carrying 
trade was only temporarily decreased during the continuance of 
hostilities, with a view to their own ultimate benefit. 

Ministers of the Gospel in the Eastern States denounced the war 
of 18 1 2 as "an unholy war." When the armies of the United States 
were invading Canada, in the churches of New England they prayed 
"that all invading armies might be cut off," and "that they who 
take the sword may perish by the sword." 

It is hardly necessary to call attention to the fact that the rever- 
end gentlemen who led these vindictive prayers and the congrega- 
tions who joined in them, put themselves beyond the pale of Chris- 
tianity, for Christians may not lawfully pray for the destruction even 
of their bitterest enemies. During the war of 181 2, more than at 
any other time, the New England pulpit, press and representatives 
in Congress reiterated their intention to secede, and still their dec- 
larations passed unchallenged as an unquestioned right. The Rev. 

20 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Mr. Gardener, in a sermon preached in Boston, July 23, 1812, says: 
" The Union has long since been dissolved; it is full time that this 
part of the United States should take care of itself." 

This is only a specimen of many exhortations to secession. 

The press teemed with similar sentiments: " My plan is to with- 
hold our money and make a separate peace with England." From 
the Boston Advertiser. 

" That there will be a revolution if the war continues, no one can 
doubt, who is acquainted with human nature and is accustomed to 
study cause and effect. The Eastern States are marching steadily 
and straightforward up to the object." — Federal Repubh 'can. 

These are only specimens from the leading newspapers. 

The citizens of Newberryport, Mass., memorialized their Legis- 
lature as follows: 

"We call upon our State Legislature to protect us in the enjoy- 
ment of those privileges, to assert which our fathers died, to defend 
which we profess ourselves ready to resist unto blood." 

No more violent sentiments can be expressed by the most hot- 
headed secession convention. 

" We will not pay our continental taxes, or aid, inform or assist 
any officer in their collection." 

This resolution, passed by a mass meeting at Reading, Mass., is 
less violent than the resolutions immediately above, but it shows a 
more determined, though less noisy, spirit. 

Said Cyrus King, of Massachusetts, in a speech in Congress: 

"Yes, sir; I consider this administration as alien to us, so much 
so that New England would be justified in declaring them, like all 
foreign nations, enemies in war, in peace, friends." 

The Federal Republican has it: "On or before July 4 next, if 
James Madison is not out of office, a new form of government will 
be in operation in the eastern section of the Union." 

These are completely parallel, in most respects identical, with the 
utterances of the most extreme secession politicians and newspa- 
pers of i860, except in the very important respect that even the 
most violent southern secessionists deplored the necessity which 
forced them to their course, and rested the grounds of their action 
on principle and right, whereas the northern secessionists of 1814 
never alluded to principle, but merely writhed and roared when the 
"pocket nerve" was touched. 

Grave and distinguished Southerners actually shed tears at the 

Causes of the War. 21 

sad necessity of separation in 1861. We hear of no such evidences 
of feeling in 18 14. The Eastern States were bound to rule or ruin; 
they must have full pockets or no Union. 


John Lowell, of Massachusetts, in 181 2, writes: " Is there no 
constitutional right in the people or the several States to judge 
whether the militia are, or are not, constitutionally called into ser- 
vice ? In whom from the very limitation in the Constitution reposes 
the ultimate right to judge whether the cause does exist ? We 
answer, in the constituting power (i. e., the State), not in the dele- 
gate (z. e. } the general government), in the master, not in the ser- 
vant; ultimately in the people of the several States. The very idea 
of limitation excludes the possibility that the delegate (i. e., the 
general government), should be the judge." 

The above, from the pen of a New Englander, expresses the sen- 
timents of New England in 1812, and is a strict declaration of the 
doctrine of States' Rights, according to the teachings of Jefferson 
and Madison. 

Gouverneur Morris was the very man who revised the language 
of the Constitution before its final adoption, and must, therefore, 
have understood its meaning. These are his words: "That the 
Constitution was a compact, not between solitary individuals, but 
between political societies — each State enjoying sovereign power. ' ' 

In a subsequent letter he says: "The Union is already broken 
by this administration. Should we now rely upon it we would 
forfeit all claim tu common sense." Such was then the opinion at 
that time of the North in general, and of New England in particular, 
as to their right to secede. 

The Connecticut Courant says* "We have now already ap- 
proached the era when they (the different States) must be divided." 

new England's "treason" in 1809. 

The inclination of New England to reunite herself with Great 
Britain has now been almost forgotten, having been studiously kept 
in the background for the better part of a century, but in 1809 it 
was so well known that the Governor-General of Canada sent an 
agent into New England with a view of a co-operation with Eng- 
land and a union with Canada. 

22 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Says the Federal Republican: " One step more and the union of 
these States is severed " 

All this was a matter of general notoriety at the time. 

Thomas Jefferson writes to Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts: 
"What, then, does this English faction with you mean? They 
count on British aid. They would separate from their friends, who 
alone furnish employments for their navigation, to unite with their 
only rival for that employment." 

A great deal of mouthy patriotism for the Union has emanated 
from New England for many years past, and their genuine enthu- 
siasm for "The Old Flag and an Appropriation" has never been 
doubted; but how can they explain away the fact that they were on 
the point of betraying their country and deserting to the enemy 
in 1814? 

new England's spirit. 

We must turn for a time from the political to the military history 
of the war of 181 2, which is interwoven with and illustrates the po- 
litical status of the times and the temper of New England. 

Massachusetts and Connecticut refused to furnish troops to fight 
the battles of the Union, while the troops of New York refused to 
leave the State and follow their generals to the invasion of the ene- 
my's country, Canada. 

Governor Chittenden, of Vermont, issued his proclamation re- 
calling the Vermont militia from serving against the British. In 
the Massachusetts Senate resolutions were introduced expressing 
the readiness of Massachusetts to aid with her whole power the 
Governor of Vermont, who deservedly was threatened with prose- 
cution for having held back the troops which his country needed in 
time of war. 

"The Legislature of Massachusetts forbade the use of the jails 
to confine British prisoners of war and ordered the jailors to re- 
lease them." 

It may be noted that while New England refused to furnish 
troops, and the rest of the North was lukewarm, the South Caro- 
lina generals, Wade Hampton, the grandfather of our own immor- 
tal Hampton, and General Ralph Izard were battling on the Cana- 
dian frontier, a thousand miles from their State, to protect the 
homes of New York and New England, the apathy of whose men, 
however, made the efforts of the South Carolina generals almost 

Causes of the War. 23 

" In more than one instance one-half of the American force was 
beaten under the eyes of the other, which could not be induced to 
move till it was time to run away." 

"General Hull, Governor of Michigan, surrendered an army of 
2,500 Americans to a force of 600 British and 600 Indians at De- 
troit." This illustrates the lukewarmness of the Northerners even 
on their own ground. 

After the disgraceful surrender of Hull, of Michigan, General 
William Henry Harrison, of Virginia, took command on the north- 
western frontier, and by vigorous efforts defended that line and 
brought the defence to a successful conclusion in the battle of Tip- 

The efforts of Colonel Scott, of Virginia, were rendered ineffect- 
ual by the incompetence of his subordinates and the lack of mar- 
tial spirit in his troops recruited in the Northern States, hence in 
the campaigns of 1813 and 1814. little was accomplished. 

While New England was on the point of secession and making 
her own peace with England, though the war was waged for her 
benefit ; and w r hile she refused to furnish troops, or indeed to allow 
her militia to serve, the South, owing to her very great distance 
from the scene of land hostilities, had no opportunity to face the 
public enemy, but when the chance was at last given, the South took 
energetic and noble advantage of it. 


The temporary cessation of the Napoleonic wars and the ban- 
ishment of Bonaparte to Elba gave England the opportunity to 
land at the mouth of the Mississippi a force stated at 12,000 men, 
consisting of veterans of Wellington's Peninsular campaigns. These 
British veteran troops, who, under the leadership of Wellington, 
had just performed the exploit of driving from the Spanish penin- 
sula the hitherto invincible legions of France, led by the great mar- 
shals of Napoleon ; these British veterans were entitled to be con- 
sidered among the finest soldiery then in the world. But the Brit- 
ish government was wofully mistaken if they thought that the 
manhood of the country was assembled on the Canadian frontier, 
and that the conspicuous lack of military ardor there displayed by 
both officers and men was characteristic of all the American people. 

By landing a force of veteran troops at New Orleans the English 
indeed took the United States by surprise. But Andrew Jackson, 

24 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of Tennessee, was in command of the southwest and exhibited a 
flash of that high military genius which has since so immortally 
distinguished the South and her sons. 

While the New England States were haggling with the general 
government about the pay and the maintenance of militia, who did 
little but demonstrate their own inefficiency, when at last put into 
the field, Andrew Jackson, destitute of troops and munitions of war, 
could only call upon the citizens of the then frontier, comprising 
the States oi Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi. 

At once the hardy frontiersmen responded to the call without the 
hope of pay or reward. The gage of battle had been thrown down, 
and Southern men have never, " even unto this day," been slow in 
accepting such a challenge. We hear of no Legislature in the South 
splitting hairs as to the legality of sending their citizens out of the 
State to fight the battles of their country. The bold men of the 
southwest hastened to New Orleans without waiting for any legis- 
lature to authorize or to command them to do their duty. 

Then followed the battle of New Orleans, where the soldiers who 
had conquered under Wellington, unable to advance and live, and 
too brave to flee, were mowed down by the Mississippi rifle in the 
hands of the Southern citizen soldiers. 

This is all matter of history, which is only alluded to here in 
order to call attention to the similarity between the Southern rifle- 
men of the battle of New Orleans and their immediate descendants, 
who have since poured out their heroic blood on so many hard 
fought battlefields. 

SECESSION IN 1812-15. 

While these stirring events were in progress at the South, the 
Hartford Convention had been in session in New England, and the 
delegates had been busy, not in devising means for the general de- 
fence, but in considering terms which should be dictated to the 
general government and the loyal States. The terms decided 
upon were in effect intended to diminish the political power of the 
South and to increase the already great commercial advantages of 
New England. 

Failing the acceptance of these terms, New England was to se- 
cede, as usual, and make her own peace with Great Britain and 
desert to the enemy in time of war. Commissioners were actually 
appointed to report to President Madison the intention of New 

Causes of the War. 25 

England to abandon her sister States, and these commissioners had 
reached Washington when the treaty of peace was signed, and the 
commissioners had no occasion to deliver their message. 

In this connection it may be well to remember that John Quincy 
Adams always maintained that the Hartford Convention was a 
"treasonable convention," as it "gave aid and comfort to the ene- 
mies of the country in time of war." 

While President of the United States Mr. Adams wrote: "That 
project, I repeat (secession) had gone to the length of fixing upon 
a military leader for its execution." 

The journal of the Hartford Convention concludes with the words: 
" States which have no common umpire must be their own judges 
and execute their own decisions." 

However contemptible the intention of the New England States 
may have been to desert under fire, they had an undoubted legal 
right to do so, and to withdraw from the Union whenever they saw 

In her original Convention in 1780, Massachusetts declared: 
" That the people of this Commonwealth have the sole and exclu- 
sive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign and inde- 
pendent State, and do and forever hereafter shall exercise and en- 
joy every power, jurisdiction and right which is not, or may here- 
after be, by them expressly delegated to the United States of 
America in Congress assembled." 

Timothy D wight writes: "A war with Great Britain we, at least 
in New England, will not enter into; sooner would our inhabitants 
separate from the Union." 

In 1804 the Legislature of Massachusetts enacted, "That the 
annexation of Louisiana to the Union transcends the constitutional 
power of the government of the United States. It formed a new 
confederacy to which the States, united by the former compact, are 
not bound to adhere." 

Speaking of the admission of Louisiana, Josiah Quincy, of Mas- 
sachusetts, said in Congress: " If this bill passes it will be the duty 
of some definitely to prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, 
violently if they must." And he continued, saying that it was ob- 
vious to reason that in any partnership those who considered them- 
selves aggrieved by the acts of their partners, were at liberty to 
withdraw. This proposition Mr. Quincy stated to be common law 
and common sense. 

26 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

If it was law and common sense in 1804, why was it not law and 
common sense in 1861 ? 

John Quincy Adams, in a speech made in 1839, said : " It would 
be far better for the disunited States to part in friendship from each 
other than to be held together by constraint." 

In the House of Representatives (1842) Mr. Adams presented a 
petition from Haverhill, Mass., praying that Congress will imme- 
diately adopt measures to peaceably dissolve the Union of these 
States : First, because no union can be agreeable and permanent 
which does not present prospects of reciprocal benefit. Second, 
because a vast proportion of the revenue of one section of the 
Union is annually drained to sustain the views and course of another 
section without any adequate return." 

The above states very well the position of the Southern States 
only nineteen years later. 

Massachusetts adopted the following resolutions in 1844 : " That 
the project of the annexation of Texas, unless arrested on the 
threshold, may drive these States into a dissolution of the Union. 
That such an Act would have no binding force whatever on the peo- 
ple of Massachusetts." 

That is a strong assertion of the doctrine and the rights both of 
nullification and secession. Those doctrines became odious to the 
Northern and Eastern States only when used by the Southern 
States to protect their constitutional rights. 


But let us now return to the year 1819 and the profound agitation 
caused by the Missouri question, which at that time excited the pub- 
lic mind to such an extent that Thomas Jefferson writes : "In the 
gloomiest moments of the Revolutionary war I never had any 
apprehension equal to what I feel from this source." 

Maine and Missouri both applied at about the same time for 
admission into the Union. Both Northern and Southern members 
of Congress were in favor of admitting Maine as she undoubtedly 
had a right under the Constitution to be admitted; but the Northern 
members refused to admit Missouri, on the ground that Missouri 
allowed slavery; though, as all the original States formerly permit- 
ted slavery, and as Missouri was entitled to admission on the same 
footing as the original States, what the slavery question had to do 
with the right of Missouri to admission it is hard to discover. But 

Causes of the War. 27 

the reason for which the Northern members wanted to exclude Mis- 
souri as a slave State is very patent. Slavery having been found to 
be an industrial failure at the North had been abandoned after the 
Northern and Eastern States had made all that they could out of it 
by selling- off their own slaves and by importing slaves for others, 
when allowed to do so. 

But when this source of profit was cut off by the refusal of the 
South to receive any more African slaves, the Northern conscience 
became very tender as to the moral right of any community to de- 
rive advantage from an industrial system from which the Northern 
members could get no pecuniary advantage. 

The Northern States were jealous of the industrial prosperity and 
consequent political powers of the Southern States under the 
slavery system, hence the abolition agitation which made itself so 
strongly felt in the dispute of the admission of Missouri", and which 
raged afterwards with ever-increasing fury. 

The State of Maine was duly admitted by the concurrence of the 
Southern votes in Congress, on the understanding that Missouri 
was to be admitted likewise by the Northern votes, but the Northern 
members of Congress fraudulently refused to carry out their agree- 
ment and Missouri still remained excluded from her rights. 

Finally she was admitted under the celebrated Missouri Compro- 
mise, by which slavery was forbidden north of latitude 36 degrees 
30 minutes and permitted south of that line. 

Here, again, the South committed the grave error of allowing 
vested rights to be abridged in order to still a temporary storm. 
Each time that the South agreed to a compromise she weakened 
herself and strengthened her adversary. 


From this time on the history of sectional disagreement is largely 
a history of the slavery question. 

On May 25, 1836, Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina, introduced 
the following resolution in the House of Representatives, which was 
passed by a vote of 182 to 9 (six of the negative votes being from 
New England): 

"Resolved, That Congress possesses no constitutional authority 
to interfere, in any way, with the institution of slavery in any of the 
States of this Confederacy." 

28 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

John C. Calhoun's resolutions passed in the United States Senate 
January 12, 1838, are of the same tenor, but more elaborate: 

' 'JResolved, That domestic slavery, as it exists in the Southern and 
Western States of this Union, composes an important part of their 
domestic institutions inherited from their ancestors, and existing at 
the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is recognized as con- 
stituting an important element in the apportionment of powers 
among the States, and that no change of opinion or feeling on the 
part of the other States of the Union in relation to it can justify 
them or their citizens in open and systematic attacks thereon, with 
the view to its overthrow; and that such attacks are in manifest vio- 
lation of the mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend each 
other given by the States respectively on entering into the consti- 
tutional compact which formed the Union, and as such are a mani- 
fest breach of faith and a violation of the most solemn obligations. 

' 'Resolved, That any attempt of Congress to abolish slavery in any 
Territory of the United States in which it exists would create seri- 
ous alarm and just apprehension in the States sustaining that do- 
mestic institution; would be a violation of good faith towards the 
inhabitants of any such Territory who have been permitted to set- 
tle with and hold slaves therein, because the people of any such 
Territory have not asked for the abolition of slavery therein, be- 
cause when any such Territory shall be admitted into the Union as 
a State, the people thereof will be entitled to decide that question 
exclusively for themselves." 

Passed the Senate — yeas 35, nays 9 — Massachusetts, Vermont 
and Rhode Island voting in the negative. 

calhoun's bill of wrongs. 

Mr. Calhoun, in his speech in the Senate, March 4, 1850, sets 
forth the long course of injustice perpetrated by the North on the 
South in their attempt to abridge the constitutional rights of the 
South in regard to slavery, and shows how the citizens of the South 
were excluded from far the larger portion of the territory controlled 
by the United States, and how the industry of the South was 
sapped by the protective tariff for the benefit of the North. 

Mr. Calhoun says: "What was once a constitutional Federal Re- 
public is now converted into one in reality as absolute as that of 

Causes of the War. 29 

the Autocrat of Russia, and as despotic in its tendency as any ab- 
solute government that ever existed. 

"The cry of Union, Union, the glorious Union, can no more 
prevent disunion than the cry of health, health, glorious health, can 
save a patient dangerously ill. 

" Nor can the Union be saved by invoking the name of the illus- 
trious southerner whose mortal remains repose on the western bank 
of the Potomac. He was one of us — a slaveholder and a planter. 
And it was the great and crowning glory of Washington's life that 
he severed a union with Great Britain which had ceased to be 
mutually beneficial." 

Said James K. Polk in his inaugural address: l< One great object 
of the Constitution was to restrain majorities from oppressing 
minorities, or encroahing on their rights. Minorities have a right 
to appeal to the Constitution as a shield against such oppression." 

How vain this appeal was events proved. 


Mr. Webster, in his speech at Capon Springs, Va., in 1851 says: 
" I do not hesitate to say and repeat that if the Northern States re- 
fuse wilfully and deliberately to carry into effect that part of the 
Constitution which respects the restoration of fugitive slaves, the 
South would no longer be bound to keep the compact. A bargain 
broken on one side is a bargain broken on all sides." 

Judge McLean, of the Supreme Court of the United States, says: 
" Is not the master entitled to his property? I answer that he is. 
His right is guaranteed by the Constitution, and the most summary 
means for its enforcement are found in the Act of Congress." 

Judge Story decides as follows : " It is well known that the object 
of the clause in the Constitution relating to persons owing service 
and labor in one State escaping into another was to secure to the 
citizens the complete right and title of ownership to their slaves as 
property in every State of the Union." 


Governor Chase gives the key to the cause of the whole Aboli- 
tionist excitement when he said : " I do not wish to have the slave 
emancipated because I love him, but because I hate his master." 

The New York Tribune has it: " We have no doubt that the free 
and the slave States ought to be separated; the Union is not worth 
supporting in connection with the South." 

30 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

This was in 1859, a °d it is only two years later that these people, 
who said that "the Union was not worth supporting," were hiring 
substitutes to force the South back into the Union. 

The great disruptive force which, in addition to the slavery ques- 
tion, operated to antagonize the Northern and Southern sections of 
the Union was the tariff. 

As this is still a current issue, and universally discussed in all its 
bearings, it needs no great explanation here. 

Beginning about 18 16, the protective policy gradually grew and 
widened against the most strenuous opposition from the Southern 
States. At first protection was opposed by New England, as they 
considered their interests better advanced by promoting foreign 
commerce, and consequently their own carrying trade, than by pro- 
tection; Daniel Webster was, in fact, one of the most earnest oppo- 
nents of protection in its early stages. But soon New England 
found it more profitable to foster manufactories under protection 
than to nurse the carrying trade — hence she has ever since advo- 
cated protection as a patriotic measure. 

Each successive tariff bill increased the bitter discontent and sense 
of injustice under which the South labored. The States of Georgia 
and South Carolina entered formal protests in their sovereign ca- 


At length the irritation became so intense that in 1832 South 
Carolina passed the famous Ordinance of Nullification, whereby the 
revenue laws of the United States were suspended. The militia of 
the South were put in readiness for immediate service. On the 
other hand President Jackson sent United States troops and men- 
of-war to Charleston, and an armed conflict was imminent. 

But at this critical junction Mr. Clay introduced his compromise 
resolution, whereby certain articles used in the South were put upon 
the free list. South Carolina was so far satisfied that her Conven- 
tion repealed the Nullification laws, and the great struggle was 
delayed for a time. 

From the cessation of the Nullification struggle until the breaking 
out of the great war the same tendency is always manifest. The 
Northern members of Congress were perpetually agitating to 
increase the tariff burdens borne by the South, and to decrease the 
political importance of the South by abolishing her slave represen- 

Causes of the War. :)] 

tation, which was guaranteed by the Constitution. It would be 
very desirable to show this somewhat in detail, and to illustrate it 
by quotations from the writers and the Legislative records of those 
days, but reasonable limits of time and space have already been 
exceeded, and we must hurry to a conclusion, leaving much valu- 
able information untouched. A few quotations are, however, 


As additional authority for the legality and constitutionality of 
slavery (if any were needed) we must refer to the decision of the 
Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case, in 
which it was decided : 

That free negroes are not citizens. 

That the Constitution treats them as property. 

That since the adoption of the Constitution no State can by sub- 
sequent law make any person a citizen who is not recognized as 
such by the Constitution. 

That a change in public opinion cannot change the meaning of 
the Constitution. 

That every citizen has a right to take with him, into any territory 
of the United States, any property that the Constitution recognizes. 

That the Constitution recognizes slaves as property and pledges 
the government to protect it, and that Congress cannot lawfully in- 
terfere with such property. 


In addition to what has already been said in regard to the right 
of secession, it may be well to quote President Buchanan, a strong 
Union man, in his annual address, i860: " Has the Constitution 
delegated to Congress power to coerce a State into submission which 
is attempting to withdraw, and has actually withdrawn, from the 
Confederacy ? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the 
principle that power has been conferred upon Congress to declare 
and to make war against a State. After much serious reflection I 
have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has - been dele- 
gated to Congress or any other department of the Federal govern- 
ment. It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, that 
this is not among the enumerated powers granted to Congress, and 
it is equally apparent that its exercise is not necessary and proper 
for carrying into execution one of these powers. So far from this 

32 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

power having- been delegated to Congress it was expressly refused 
by the convention which formed the Constitution. Without de- 
scending to particulars, it may be safely asserted that the power to 
make war against a State is at variance with the whole spirit and 
intent of the Constitution." 

Such were the words of the President of the United States on the 
very eve of the great Civil war. It is clear, then, that the war 
could not have been undertaken by the government and politicians 
of the North with any claim of moral or legal right. The politi- 
cians and abolition fanatics deluded the people into that belief, but 
the war was brought on by the desire for commercial supremacy on 
the part of the Northern people, and political power and spoils on 
the part of the politicians. 

Probably the best short exposition of the causes and circumstances 
necessitating and justifying secession is to be found in the Ordinance 
of Secession of South Carolina. 

The continual cause of irritation which I have attempted to out- 
line, or rather to allude to, at length reached their unavoidable 
culmination in the great struggle, with the results of which we are 
only too familiar. If this necessarily meagre sketch shall encourage 
anyone of candid mind to a personal investigation of the subject, 
the object of these lines will be attained. 

The First Virginia at Gettysburg. 33 

[From the Times-Dispatch Oct. 16, 1904. J 


Men Who Fought to the Bitter End in the Greatest of 



And the Part the Old First Virginia Regiment Played In It. 

By Charles T. Loehr. 

[The following details by a participant in the renowned charge 
and Past Commander of G. E. Pickett Camp, C. V., and who is 
an estimable citizen of Richmond, merits preservation. — Ed.] 

Much has been written about this historic event and chiefly by 
those who are writers, but get their information from all kinds of 
publications, while those who were actors in the bloody drama 
have had but little to say, and they are fast passing on to answer 
the roll call of their comrades gone before. 

The story of Pickett's charge will ever be remembered and gene- 
rations yet to come will point to it as one of the grandest acts of 
heroism in American history. 

The Old First Virginia formed part of Kemper's brigade. It held 
the centre position in the brigade line. The 3d of July, 1863, was 
extremely hot, and the brigade had to endure the sweltering 
sun, lying in rear of Seminary Ridge in open field, while to its left 
were the brigades of Garnett and Armistead partly sheltered in the 

The distance from the position of Kemper's brigade to the angle 
of the .^tone wall, the point of attack, was just one mile across an 
open hilly plain, crossed by the Emmetsburg road, thus the enemy 
from their position on Roundtop Hill could see and count every man 
we had when we advanced to the charge. Moreover, on these 
hills the enemy placed their batteries, which fired with fatal effect 
on our men as they charged. 

Just before our artillery opened, there was a detail of fifteen men 

from each regiment made to act as skirmishers. These moved at 

34 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

once forward in rear of the batteries near which Wilson's brigade 
was in position. At i o'clock our artillery opened the battle and a 
few minutes afterward the Federal guns joined in, and the very 
ground shook. It was simply awful, the bursting of the shells, the 
smoke, and the hot sun combined made things almost unendurable 
for our men lying in long rows in rear of the ridge. 

Many of our men were wounded by the shelling, and it was a 
relief when finally the artillery ceased its terrible work and orders 
came for Pickett's men to charge. The skirmish line (to which the 
writer was attached) moved forward towards the enemy's skirmish 
line. Some two hundred yards in the rear came the line of battle, 
Richard B. Garnett's brigade on the left and Kemper's brigade 
on the right, while Armistead's came close in the rear. 

It was a splendid exhibition, the alignment was nearly perfect. 
After advancing some three hundred yards the enemy's artillery 
opened on the columns and shells came screaming through the ranks 
of Pickett's men. As the men fell the ranks closed, and forward 
went the line, leaving the dead and wounded in its track. 


The move was made in a left oblique direction to reach the point 
of attack, which was the angle of a stone wall or fence on the ridge 
of Seminary Hill. When the line reached this point it became 
irregular. Many of the officers fell before this point was gained. 
Colonel Joseph Mayo, of the Third, ordered the brigade to face to 
the right just as the wall was reached. 

There were heavy colnmns of the enemy coming from that direc- 
tion, while Garnett's men came in contact with the enemy behind 
the wall; then Armistead's men rushed across the wall and pursued 
the enemy, who abandoned the battery some 300 feet in rear of the 
wall. Then came a short lull in the battle, but firing was kept up 
and men fell to rise no more. 

About 150 Federals were captured at the angle and taken off the 
field. It was at this time that General Lewis A. Armistead was 
killed, having his left hand on one of the guns of Cushing's bat- 
tery, and in his right hand he held his sword on which he had 
placed his hat. Thus a hero meets a hero's death. 

The line around the angle was being fast thinned out, and now 
was the time for reinforcements to push on the victory within our 

The First Virginia at Gettysburg. 35 

grasp, but none were there to aid Pickett's men in their struggle to 
hold the position for which they had fought so hard. 

The supporting line on Pickett's left struck the enemy's line 
further to our left, reaching there long before Pickett, their line 
being nearly one-half shorter, and as Pickett's men advanced the 
line our left was seen to be in full retreat, having suffered heavily. 
The men of Pickett's division — that is, about one-tenth of what was 
left — retraced their steps, falling back in small groups, firing as they 
retreated. 1192364 

General Pickett was seen in the midst of his survivors when the 
battle was over, but at the close Wilcox's brigade came rushing 
down. It came about half way when it met the concentrated fire 
of the enemy and fell back faster than it came, adding only to the 
losses and accomplishing naught. 

Sergeant Major J. R. Polak states that he was ordered by Col- 
onel Williams to bring up the ambulance corps, as men were falling 
right and left and needed attention. He went off on "Nelly" 
(Colonel Williams's horse) to execute the orders given him, and on 
his return the regiment, with the rest of the division, were all 
charging, and all he could do was to return Colonel Williams's 
horse and take his place in the ranks. Colonel Williams at once 
mounted and wheeled in front of the regiment and was almost 
immediately struck down. Then Major Langley took command; 
he was soon disabled. Then Captain Norton took command with 
the same result. Then Captain Davis jumped in front of the line 
and was bowled over almost immediately. Then I remember we 
pushed up to the wall, and could almost see the Yankee gunners 
leaving their places and running in our lines for safety. Whilst we 
were waiting with our line for reinforcements, I had a short talk with 
Lieutenant Cabell about the massing of the Yankees in our front, 
and the next thing I saw was Colonel Patton of the Seventh Vir- 
ginia, struck, and when I asked him if he was hurt he tried to 
answer, but the blood gushed out of his mouth, and made it impos- 

The next thing that I remember was that no reinforcements 
came and that the Yankees came over the works and we " got," at 
least I did. I was slightly wounded in the face and in the arm, and 
found it somewhat difficult to jump what looked to me a ten rail 
fence, but I managed this all the same. When I got my breath 
about a quarter of a mile from the field, I saw General Lee riding 
unattended, and after a few minutes of observation he rode back 

86 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

and returned with General Longstreet, and then established a point 
for the returning- men to fall back on. 


The account given of Lieutenant William M. Lavvson, who was 
the color bearer of the regiment is as follows : " When the order 
was given to forward the color bearer and guard consisting of 
Color Bearer William M. Lawson, Sergeants Pat Woods, Theodore 
K. Martin, Corporal John Q. Figg, and Private Willie Mitchell 
moved four paces to the front of the line and kept in their position 
until one after the other was shot down. About half way Willie 
Mitchell was wounded, but he declined to go back and kept on. 
About one hundred yards further he was killed. Pat Woods, Theo- 
dore R. Martin and John Q. Figg were shot down and the line 
came close to the stone fence. The color bearer had his right arm 
shattered by a bullet, and the colors fell from his hand among the 
dead and dying. J R. Polak attempted to raise and secure the 
colors, but was also wounded. Those that were able now fell back 
and the colors remained where they fell near the angle of the stone 

Willie Mitchell was only about sixteen years of age. He was a 
member of Company D., having joined that company in December, 
1862, at the battle of Fredericksburg. He was the son of John 
Mitchell, the " Irish Patriot," and had just finished his course at 
the University of Paris. William M. Lawson, the color bearer, lost 
his arm near the shoulder, leaving only a stump, which was hardly 
healed when he reported for duty to his regiment. After being 
released from prison he was promoted to lieutenant for gallant con- 

Sergeant Pat Woods was shot through the body and remained in 
prison for some time. He was a most reckless, daring Irishman. 
There were no better men than Sergeant Theodore R. Martin and 
John Q. Figg. Both of these were severely wounded. Sergeant 
John Q. Figg was afterwards promoted to color bearer and made a 
splendid record for himself in the battles that followed in 1864 and 
1865 until the close of the war. 


In straggling groups the survivors of that charge gathered in 
rear of Seminary Ridge, near the point from which they set out to 

The First Virginia at Gettysburg. 37 

do or die. It was a sad sight. Most of them were bleeding; num- 
bers of them were bathing their wounds in a little creek which ran 
along the valley, making its clear water run red, which others used 
to quench their burning- thirst. Some 300 or 400 men were there. 
General George E. Pickett was mounted, and was talking to the 
men here and there. Only two of the regiments had retained their 
colors, one of which was the 24th Virginia, and the color bearer, a 
tall mountaineer, named Charles Belcher, was waving it, crying: 
"General, let us go at them again!" Just about then General 
James L. Kemper was carried into the crowd, and the latter came 
to a halt. Then General Lee was seen to ride up, and we, as was 
usual, wanted to know what he had to say, crowded around him. 

General Pickett broke out into tears, while General Lee rode up 
to him, and they shook hands. General Lee spoke to General 
Pickett in a slow and distinct manner. Anyone could see that he, 
too, felt the repulse and slaughter of the division, whose remains 
he viewed. 

lee's words. 

Of the remarks made to General Pickett by General Lee, we 
distinctly heard him say: "General Pickett, your men have done 
all that men could do; the fault is entirely my own." These words 
will never be forgotten. 

Just then, he turned to General Kemper and remarked: "Gen- 
eral Kemper, I hope you are not seriously hurt, can I do anything 
for you?" General Kemper looked up and replied: "General Lee, 
you can do nothing for me; I am mortally wounded, but see to it 
that full justice is done my men who made this charge." General 
Lee said: "I will," and rode off. 

General Pickett turned to us, saying: "You can go back to the 
wagons and rest until you are wanted." The men then left for 
their wagon trains. 

There was little or no organization among them. Night was 
coming on and the writer and several of his company slept in a 
mill, about half way to the wagon train, getting back with those of 
the survivors of the Old First on the morning of the 4th. The 
whole command numbered hardly thirty men, rank and file, and 
Captain B. F. Howard had charge of the squad. 

About 10 o'clock the drum beat to fall in, and, as we took out- 
places in rank, J. R. Polak came out with a set of colors, which 
he got from an ordinance wagon (the same had been left in our 

38 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

hands by Holcomb's Legion at Second Manassas) and, waiving it, 
though he had his hand in a sling, and his nose was all bloody from 
the charge, but we declined to play color guard, and the flag was 
returned to the wagon. 

Then the order from General Lee, constituting Picketts division 
the provost guard for the army was read, and was but little relished 
by the men, most of them considering it as almost a disgrace to act 
as provost guard; however, orders must be obeyed, and, after an 
hour or two of waiting, we were marched up on both sides of the 
road and the Federal prisoners filed in between us, and Pickett's 
division saw them safely turned over to Imboden's command on the 
9th. At the Potomac river, on the 10th, the 1st, 3rd and 24th Vir- 
ginia regiments reached again the green fields of Virginia. 

The 1st Virginia Infantry numbered about 175, rank and file, at 
Gettysburg, July 3, 1863. 


The officers present, as far as can be remembered, were: Lewis 

B. Williams, Colonel; Frank H. Langley, Major; Company B — 
Captain T. Herbert Davis, Lieutenant Logan S. Robins, Lieuten- 
ant J. A. Payne and about twenty-five men; Company C — Captain 
James Hallihan, Lieutenant John E. Dooley and about twenty men; 
Company D — Captain George F. Norton, Lieutenants E. P. Reeve, 
W. H. Keiningham, Adolphus Blair and about forty men; Company 
G— Captain Eldridge Morris, Lieutenants W. T. Woody, L. R. 
Shell and about thirty men; Company H — Captain A. J. Watkins, 
Lieutenants E. W. Martin, P. C. Cabell and about thirty men; 
Company I — Captain B. F. Howard, Lieutenants W. A. Caho, H. 

C. Ballow and about twenty-five men. 

As far as we could we have made out a list of the killed, wounded 
and missing, which is, however, not complete, as many recruits had 
been recently added to the regiment, and it was, therefore, impossi- 
ble to give all the names in the long list of casualties. This refers 
especially to Company C, which was at that time mostly filled up 
with recruits. 


Colonel Lewis B. Williams, Captain James Hallihan, Company 
C; Lieutenant W. A. Caho, Company I. 

The First Virginia at Gettysburg. 39 


Company B — Fendall Franklin; Company C — James Thomas; 
Company D — D. S. Edwards, Willie Mitchell, J. W. Freeman, M. 
J. Wingfield; Company G — W. F. Miller; Company L — Corporal 
L. O. Ellett, E. J. Griffin, Edward Taliaferro, H. McLaughlin; 
Company H — Sergeant C. P. Hansford, Corporal Richard Chad- 
dick. W. J. Vaughan, Flowers, Nuckols, St. Clair, John Paine, M. 
Brestrahan, W. S. Waddill. — Total, twenty-three. 

Wounded — Those marked * were left in enemy's hands : Field 
and Staff— Major F. H. Langley, Sergeant-Major J. R. Polak, 
Color-Sergeant William Lawson.* Company B — Captain T. Her- 
bert Davis,* Lieutenant J. A. Payne, Corporal W. J. Carter,* Cor- 
poral John Q. Figg,* Privates George R. Heath,* James Stagg,* 
Joseph Daniel,* H. L. Specard, R. H. Street, W. J. Mallory; pris- 
oner, E. Goetze. Company C — Lieutenant John E. Dooley, Ser- 
geant Pat Woods.* Company D — Captain G. F. Norton, Lieuten- 
ant E. P. Reeve, Lieutenant William H. Keiningham,* Lieutenant 
A. Blair, Sergeant J. M. Finn,* Corporal G. E. Craig, Corporal C. 
T. Loehr, Privates James B. Angle, William J. Armstrong, J. F. 
Wheely, George W. Johnson,* Joseph C. Keiningham,* T. S. 
Morton,* E. Priddy,* L. R. Wingfield,* S. L. Wingfield, C. M. 
Sublett; prisoners, Sergeant J. H. Kepler, Private N. W. Bowe. 
Company G — Captain E. Morris, Lieutenant W. T. Woody, Ser- 
geant Thomas W. Hay,* Corporal John Allen, Sergeant Thomas 
H. Durham,* Privates James Farrar, H. C. Fergusson,* C. W. 
Gentry, B. H. Hord, W. T. Kendrick, C. A. Redford, T. S. Rog- 
ers, A. Jeff Vaughan, Robert R. Walthall, William H. Martin, Ser- 
geant William H. Dean; prisoners, Sergeant George W. Ball, Pri- 
vates J. Rosser Atkisson, B. F. Ashby and A. Haskins. Company 
H— Captain A. J. Watkins, Lieutenant E. W. Martin, P. C. Cabell, 
Sergeant T. R. Martin, Corporal R. N. Dunn, W. H. Duerson, 
Privates W. B. Mosby,* J. H. Daniel, W. N. Anderson,* Sol. 
Banks,* R. E. Dignun,* F. Faison,* E. Fizer,* W. R. Kilby,* 
Thomas Maring, J. J. Sinnott, S. Smith, W. C. Hite;* prisoners, 
Privates Mat. Lloyd and Robert Lloyd. Company I — Sergeant 
W. F. Terry, Corporal C. L. Parker,* Corporal J. T. Ayres,*Cor- 
poral T. E. Traylor, Privates R. O. Meredith,* G. W. Shumaker,* 
S. S. Neal,* C. A. Wilkes* and C. H. Chappell,* Sergeants John 

40 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

T. Crew, E. C. Goodson, and W. T. White, and Privates S. 
Clarke and W. C. Taliaferro. 

Killed and died of wounds, twenty-three; wounded and prison- 
ers, eighty-seven; prisoners and wounded left with enemy, marked 
* forty seven. 

From all information obtainable it may be stated that the First 
Virginia Regiment lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, not less 
than 125 men out of about 160 that went into the charge. 


Pickett's men could have gone into battle on the previous even- 
ing, when they reached Gettysburg. They were in fine condition. 
The march from Chambersburg did not fatigue them at all. Any- 
one who will visit Gettysburg battlefield will see the truth of these 
views. The writer calls to memory that just before the artillery 
opened he filled his canteen from a well near which one of our bat- 
teries was posted. In talking with the men of the contemplated 
charge, and, having the position pointed out to him, he remarked 
on his return to the line, " He would not give twenty-five cents for 
his life if the charge was made." 

He further recalls that one of the comrades, M. J. Wingfield, 
called "Monk," turned to him when about half way across the 
field, saying, "Where are our reinforcements?" On looking 
around nothing was in sight, except the three brigades of Pickett 
about 300 yards in rear of our skirmish line and now subject to a 
storm of shells, tearing great gaps into the lines. The writer then 
replied, " Monk, I don't see any," on which he replied, " We are 
going to be whipped, see if we don't." Alas, for the poor fellow, 
these were his last words, for a bullet ended his life only a few min- 
utes afterward. 

The story here told is but a record of the excellence of all of the 
fifteen regiments of Pickett's division that charged on that historic 

General Joseph Wheeler. 41 


His Rank by Commission in the C. S. Army — Major- 



[The following communication from an esteemed supporter of the 
Southern Historical Society Papers, and a gallant follower of Wade 
Hampton, is of interest incidentally, apart from the conclusive evi- 
dence it presents of the permanent rank in the Confederate States 
Army of General Joseph Wheeler. It is but just to the valiant 
warrior to state that he has made no claim to the rank of Lieutenant- 
General by commission, and that there has been published such 

Inadvertently the subscriber reprinted in the last volume (31) of 
the Papers, pp. 189-192, a statement from Rev. J. Wm. Jones, 
D. D., in the issue of the Times- Dispatch of January 12, 1904, in 
which among the commissioned Lieutenant-Generals is that (the 
20th) of Joseph Wheeler. There has been rank ascribed to other 
officers of the C. S. Army to which they were not entitled by actual 
commission, but the editor should not be held even for implication 
on mooted points, nor should he be supposed to guarantee cor- 
rectness of any statement save such as he may be assured of by 
individual cognizance. He has charity for the foibles of all men, 
cherishes malice toward none, and abhors controversy — oftenest 

R. A. Brock, Sec. So. His. Society.^ 

" Charleston, S. C, April 2, 1904. 

"Rev. Dr. J. William Jones : 

' 'My Dear Sir, — Allow me to recall thyself to your recollection. 

" I have very pleasant memories of our meetings in the past. I 

observe, published in the last volume of the Southern Historical 

Society Papers a letter from you, in which it is stated that Gen. 

Joseph Wheeler was a Lieutenant-General, C. S, A. I think that 

42 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

you will find this to be a mistake, and that the highest rank attained 
by Gen. Wheeler was that of Major-General. You will find all of 
Wheeler's orders and dispatches up to the end of the war signed 
" Major-General." You will observe, too, that he could not pos- 
sibly have been commissioned after the fall of Richmond, as there 
was after that no so session of the C. S. Senate to confirm an ap- 

" In the list of West Point graduates who became officers in the 
Confederate Army, which was reprinted in the columns of the Rich- 
mond Dispatch (issues of March 30, Aoril 6, 27, and May 12, 1902) 
Wheeler is set down as l Lieutenant-General.' 

" As this is stated to have been supervised by Capt. W. Gordon 
McCabe, I wrote to him calling his attention to this. He replied 
that he had known that Wheeler was not a Lieut. -General, as he 
had conclusive proof of this, and had furnished his name for the 
West Point list as 'Major-General.' This seems definitely to 
settle the point, but Gen. Wade Hampton told me that in an inter- 
view he had with President Davis in North Carolina, when the latter 
was arranging for his escape southward, he offered the President an 
excort of 5,000 mounted volunteers, which he guaranteed to raise 
at once. 

11 Mr. Davis, however, declined this offer on the ground that such 
a force would attract too much attention, and would not be suffi- 
ciently mobile for his purposes. 

"Gen. Hampton then suggested that with a small escort the Pres- 
ident should take Gen. Wheeler to accompany him, as the latter 
would be useful, being well-known in much of the country through 
which the party would probably have to pass, and that he (the 
President) should confer on Wheeler the title of Lieut. -General, in 
order to increase his prestige and influence with the people of the 
country. But, the latter part of the proposition the President pos- 
itively refused to accede to. 

[< This, alone, would prove that Wheeler was not at that time a 
Lieutenant-General, and he could not possibly afterward have be- 
come one. 

" Yours sincerely, 

" Edward L. Wells." 

Virginia's Contribution to Confederate Army. 43 

[From the William and Mary College Quarterly, Oct., 1904, pp. 141-2.] 


The following documents are found in the Virginia State Library. 
As the war continued eighteen months longer, the contribution of 
Virginia was much in excess of the figures given by Governor 
Letcher. The total number of troops up to October, 1863, was 
about 133,000 men. 

[It may be urged that in the often desperate straits of the Confed- 
erate government, by raid and the imminent menace of occupation 
of important points, the service of every male had in many instances 
to be availed of, even the maimed and the invalid had to hasten to 
the front — robbing, as has been quite truthfully stated — " the cradle 
and the grave." Whilst veritable rosters may not be cited, the 
contribution of Virginia to the Confederate States Army, first and 
last, must have been at least 150,000. I would urge upon every 
true and self-respectful Virginian his palpable duty in helping, as 
he may, by the loan for copying, of muster rolls in his possession to 
Major Robert W. Hunter, "Secretary of Virginia Military Re- 
cords," Richmond, Va., so that as accurate a statement as may be 
attained, be presented, of the aid and sublime sacrifices made by 
our grand old Commonwealth and her devoted people to the sacred 
Cause of Right. — Ed.] 

Executive Department, 
Richmond, Va., October 7th, 1862. 

Gentleman of the House of Delegates: 

In response to the Resolution adopted by the House of Dele- 
gates, I have the honor to transmit the accompanying report from 
Adjutant-General Cooper, of the Confederate Government, and 
General Dimmock, of the Ordnance Degartment of Virginia. 

I have only to add that upwards of thirty thousand conscripts 
have passed through the camp of instruction in charge of Col. 

[John C] Shields. 


John Letcher. 



Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[Endorsed.] Governor's Message, stating number of men and 
arms furnished C. States during the present war, Oct. 8, 1863. 

Statement of the number of troops furnished the Confederate 
States by the State of Virginia as taken from the first rolls on file 
in the Adjutant and Inspector General's Office : 

64 Reg'ts Infantry, ..... 52,496 

20 Reg'ts Cavalry, . . . . • .14,175 

2 Reg'ts Artillery, ..... i,779 

28 Battalions Cavalry, Infantry and Artillery, . . 11,717 

9 Battalions Artillery, Army No. Va., . . . 4,500 

214 Unattached Cos. Artillery, Infantry and Cavalry, . 18,248 

Total number of men, .... 102,915 

Of the sixty-four Infantry Regiments, only sixty-one have rolls 
on file in this office, and only nineteen Cavalry Regiments. The 
rolls are very defective in all arms of the service. The above state- 
ment does not embrace the recruits or conscripts furnished by the 
State of Virginia, of which we have no returns. 

S. Cooper, At. a?id I. Gen. 
To. Col. S. B. French, A. D. C, &c. 

Headquarters Va. Ord. Department, 

Richmond, October 6, 1863. 

Wm. H. Richardson, Adg't Gen. : 

General : I have the honor to report, in answer to a call from 
the Legislature, through the Governor of the Commonwealth, as 
follows : 

Arms issued beiwea 

Common pieces, 







Oct. i, 1859, and Oct. /, 1863. 






Virginia's Contribution to Confederate Army. 


Remaining on hand in the Virginia Armory on the i st October, 1863. 

Brass 6-pounder cannon (unmounted), 

Brass 12-pounder Howitzers (not mounted), 

Brass, mounted, mountain howitzers, 

Iron, 12-pounder cannon (mounted), 

Iron, 6-pounder cannon (mounted), 

Iron, 4-pounder cannon (mounted), 

Iron, 6-pounder cannon (without limbers), 

Iron, 4-pounder rifle cannon (without limbers), 

Iron, 6-pounder cannon (not mounted), 

Iron, 4-pounder rifle cannon (not mounted), 

Williams' guns, 

Caissons, 6 pounder, 

Muskets, alt., fire (in good order), 

Muskets, Springfied, 

Read's rifles (cavalry), 


Rifles (Austrian), 

Rifles (Miss.), 

Carbines (cavalry), . 

Sabres (cavalry), 

Muskets (being repaired), 

Muskets (without bayonets), 

I have the honor to be, 
















Very respectfully, 

Ch's Dimmock, 
Bvt. Brig. Gen., Chief of Oral, of Virginia. 

[Endorsed.] Charles Dimmock, Brig. Gen. and Chief of Ord 
nance, Report of army issued and now in hand. 

46 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Times-Dispatch, January 8, 1905.] 


Cazenove G. Lee's Figures Denied by Papers at the North. 


One of the most important historical facts in " the great struggle 
we made for constitutional freedom " (as General Lee always desig- 
nated the war) is a correct statement of the "overwhelming num- 
bers and resources " against which the Confederates fought. 

The disparity of numbers has been frequently brought out, but 
never more clearly than by Mr. Cazenove G. Lee, of Washington, 
in the following table, which was published originally in the Balti- 
more Sun. 

Mr. Lee's figures show that the total enlistments in the Northern 
army were 2,778,304, as against 600,000 in the Confederate army. 
The foreigners and negroes in the Northern army aggregated 680,- 
917 01-80,917 more than the total strength of the Confederate 
army. There were 316,424 men of Southern birth in the Northern 
army. Mr. Lee's figures are as follows : 


Whites from the North, . . . . . . 2,272,333 

Whites from the South, ...... 316,424 

Negroes, ......... 186,017 

Indians, 3,530 

Total, 2,778,304 

Southern army, ........ 600,000 

North's numerical superiority, 2,178,304 

In the Northern army there were : 

Germans, ......... 176,800 

Irish, 144,200 

British Americans, ....... 53,500 

English, 45,500 

Relative Numbers in Union and Co 

Other nationalities, 
Negroes, .... 

Total of Southern soldiers, 

Southern men in Northern army, 


Negroes, .... 


{federate Armies. 














Aggregate Federal army May 1, 1865, 
Aggregate Confederate army May, 1865, 

No. in Battle. 

Seven days' fight, 






Wilderness, \ . 







Federal prisoners in Confederate prisons, 
Confederate prisoners in Federal prisons, 
Confederates died in Federal prisons, . 
Federals died in Confederate prisons, . 











These figures were violently assailed in the Northern press, for 
our friends in that latitude have tried by every means that ingenuity 
could devise to disprove the claim of these Confederates that they 
fought against immense odds, but Mr. Lee has come back in a calm, 
dignified, and perfectly conclusive reply, in which he shows the 
accuracy of the figures he gave in his original statement. 

This reply, which is given below, should be widely published and 
preserved as a conclusive statement of relative numbers engaged in 
the great war between the States. 

J. Wm. Jones. 

Richmond, Va., December 2J, 1904. 

48 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


Messrs. Editors, — Several months ago you published some Civil 
war statistics prepared by me. These have been widely republished 
and much criticised. Will you kindly publish my authorities for 
these figures ? 

The statement most objected to is the totol number of enlistments 
in the Confederate army ; that is, 600,000 men. 

The New York Tribune never, to my knowledge, said anything 
kind or generous about the South, and, therefore, what it says in 
support of that section may be received as authentic. Its Wash- 
ington correspondent in the issue of June 26, 1867, page 1, says : 
" Among the documents which fell into our hands at the downfall 
of the Confederacy are the returns, very nearly complete, of the 
Confederate armies from their organization in the summer of 1861 
down to the spring of 1865. These returns have been carefully 
analyzed, and I am enabled to furnish the returns in every depart- 
ment and for almost every month from these official sources. We 
judge in all 600,000 different men were in the Confederate ranks 
during the war. Of those we do not believe one-half are alive this 
day. Of the 300,000 of the Confederate soldiers yet alive no man 
can say what proportion are wholly or in part disabled by wounds 
or disease." 

General J. A. Early, in Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol- 
ume II, page 20, says* " This estimate is very nearly correct," and 
there was no better authority in the South than General Early. 
The American Cyclopedia (D. Appleton & Co., 1875), of which 
Charles A. Dana, late Assistant Secretary of War, was editor, in 
Volume V, page 232, says: 

"The Adjutant- General of the Confederate army, General S. 
Cooper, in a statement made since the close of hostilities, estimates 
the entire available Confederate forces capable of active service in 
the field at 600,000. Of this number not more than 400,000 were 
enrolled at any one time, and the Confederate States never had in 
the field at once more than 200,000 men." 

The letter of General Cooper relating to this subject is published 
in Volume VII, page 287, of the Southern Historical Society 

Lieutenant-Colonel Fox of the United States army, in Losses in 
Civil War, says: 

Relative Numbers in Union and Confederate Armies. 49 

"The aggregate enrollment of the Confederate armies during 
the war, according to the best authorities, numbered over 600,000 
effective men, of whom not over 400,000 were enrolled at one 

This author also gives to the " eleven States of the Confederacy 
a military population in i860 of 1,064,193, with which to confront 
4,559,872 of the same class in the North." Oi this 600,000 were 
in the Confederate army and 86,000 in the Union, while the Con- 
federate States received 19,000 from the border States, making 
677,009 in both armies out of the 1,044,193 men of the age of ser- 
vice in the South, and leaving 387,184 for other duties, such as 
State government officials, Confederate government officials, railroad 
employes, ordnance and other manufacturers and skulkers and in- 
valids. It is a historical fact that many of the centers of population 
in the South soon fell into the hands of the Federal army. Thus, 
in Virginia, Alexandria was occupied the day after secession, Nor- 
folk and Wheeling soon after, together with the whole of the west- 
ern part of the State, and by the time the Confederate conscription 
act went into force many large cities were out of the control of the 
Confederacy, and the circle gradually contracted until the end; 
therefore, it is safe to say that the conscription act was never en- 
forced in half of the territory, and that the most populous part of 
the Confederate States. In the town of Alexandria, Va., for in- 
stance, five companies of infantry and one of artillery were organ- 
ized in 1861. Alexandria's quota should not have been less than 
1,000, according to the established rule, but these companies num- 
bered less than 500 men, most of them young men from 18 to 25, 
and after the occupation by the Union soldiers very few reached the 
Confederate ranks. Of those who remained at home, many from 
necessity, having no other means of livelihood, served the Federal 
army in various capacities, such as teamsters, drovers and laborers, 
and these are not estimated among those who enlisted in that army. 
These conditions existed in many parts of the South, so that it will 
be seen the estimates made by Northern authorities from the popu- 
lation of the South are not reliable, and that given by the authori- 
ties who were best able to judge must be received. 

While it is a historical fact that we fought as a whole about five 

men to our one, and that it took four years to conquer us, and 

while the Northern men were better equipped, better armed, better 

clothed and fed, still it does not prove they were less brave, for 


50 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

they came from the same race of people; but it does prove they 
were without a cause and without leaders. A great leader will in- 
cite men to brave actions even in a bad cause, but a noble cause 
will incite them to brave action without a leader. The attempt was 
made to convince the North that they fought for the Union, and 
some think so even now, but the truth is, if the Northern leaders 
had loved the Union as devotedly as did Davis, Stephens, Lee and 
the Johnstons war would have been impossible. What the North 
did fight for was a fanatical frenzy on the part of its leaders to free 
the negroes, in which nine-tenths of the men felt no interest, and 
on the part of the politicians and contractors to feather their nests. 
On the other hand, the cause of the South could not be better 
stated than in General Order No. 16, to the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, which says: 

" Let every soldier remember that on his courage and fidelity 
depends all that makes life worth living, the freedom of his country, 
the honor of his people and the security of his home." 

Could they fight for a better cause, and has not such a cause made 
men superhumanly brave in all ages ? 

Did the North produce in their respective sphere men of such 
extraordinary military genius as Lee, Jackson, A. S. Johnston, 
Stuart, Forest and Mosby ? No intelligent, candid, Northern man 
of to-day claims that it did. When I look at the snap judgments 
on posterity, statues to Northern generals (though most of them 
are Southern men) in Washington, I wonder how posterity will 
treat these outrages on justice. They will not find an impartial, 
competent military historian that will give to one of them, except, 
perhaps, McClellan, one particle of military genius. These, I be- 
lieve, to be the true reasons for the long-delayed success of the 
Northern armies, notwithstanding their overpowering numbers and 

Cazenove G. Lee. 

Washington, D. C. 

Parole List of Engineer Troops. 51 


Army of Northern Virginia, 


Contributed by Colonel T. M. R. TALCOTT. 

The Engineer Troops attached to the Army of Northern Virginia, 
under the Command of General Robert E. Lee, comprised the ist 
Regiment of io companies, and two companies, "G" and "H," 
of the 2nd Regiment. 

Company " K," of the ist Regiment, was on detached service 
with pontoon trains at Staunton river, and was therefore not sur- 
rendered at Appomattox. 

The officers and men who were surrendered at Appomattox were 
as follows : 

Field and Staff. 

T. M. R. Talcott, Colonel Commanding; Wm. W. Blackford, 
Lieutenant-Colonel; Peyton Randolph, Major; Russell Murdoch, 
Surgeon, P. A. C. S. fjno. S. Conrad, Assistant Surgeon; C. W. 
Trueheart, Assistant Surgeon; Lewis E. Harvie, Captain and A. C. 
S. ; George N. Eakin, Captain and A. Q. M. ; Chapman Maupin, 
Second Lieutenant, Company F, and Acting Adjutant; J. D. Harris, 
Second Lieutenant, P. A. C. S. 

Non- Commissioned Staff. 

Jas. P. Cowardin, Sergeant- Major; Gervas Storrs, Hospital Stew- 
ard; R. F. Hyde, Q. M. Sergeant; R. A. Jones, employee in 
Engineer Dept. 


Company "A." 

J. J. Conway, Captain. 

C. E. Young, Second Lieutenant. 

Chas. Minor, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — S. D. Rumbough, R. A. Wright, Chas. H. Small, 
Wm. S. Young, R. B. Wilson, Geo. W. Hardy, Wm. B. 

52 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Corporals — Reuben N. Thomas, J. R. Wingfield, Paul J. C. 
Jones, R. W. Brightwell. 

Privates — James R. Anderson, E. J. Brewton, S. H. Bledsoe, J. 
W. Carver, G. W. Holden, Joseph Hedgepeth, E. Joyner, Jr., 
Elkana Lakey, Monroe Love, Thos. D. Neal, Wm. T. Norford, 
Rufus Rainy, H. F. Tinder, J. J. Vaughan, D. H. Willard, M. 

Note. — Sergeant P. C. McPhail, detached and paroled in Char- 
lotte county. 

Company (t B." 

John M. Baldwin, Captain. 

Chas. W. Babbitt, First Lieutenant. 

Jno. M. Hood, Second Lieutenant. 

F. R. Smith, Orderly Sergeant. 

W. L. Slater, Sergeant. 

Nolan Stone, Corporal. 

Privates — B. J. Barnett, J. W. Callahan, John Coffey, T. A. 
Douglass, A. N. Deacon, J. Edwards, A. Griffith, J. M. Hambright, 
R. A. Hockaday, W. C. Ivey, F. W. Lindsey, W. C. Martin, 
Martin Mallory, Wm. Shearer, D. Thompson, W. S. Varner, J. 
A. Williams, J. L. Watson. 

Compa?iy " C" 

H. H. Harris, First Lieutenant. 

W. R. Abbott, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — R. J. Hatcher, James S. Slaughter, James Meighan, 
George E. Pegram, H. B. Gwinn, James Cooper, Mark Wilkinson. 

Corporal — J. L. Guinn. 

Privates — John D. Bradley, George Caldwell, J. M. Duke, J. M. 
Harvey, William Hellen, J. A. Hillingsworth, R. O. Maddox, J. 
M. Morris, Robert McEwen, Isham Walker, Taylor Walker, Frank- 
lin Sherrill. 

Company ' ' D. " 

H. C. Derrick, Captain. 

J. M. Beckham, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants— R. A. Boyd, W. H. Jordan, H. C. Beckham. 

Corporal — C. E. Scherer. 

Privates — John Crowder, W. R. Grant, J. S. Rush. 

Musician — Charles Tate. 

Parole List of Engineer Troops. 53 

Note. — R. M. Sully, first lieutenant, detached and paroled at 
Greensboro, N. C. 

Company "JS." 

P. G. Scott, Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — H. A. Burgoyne, J. F. Gilham, W. C. Dimmock. 

Corporal — W. Bradley. 

Privates— J. W. Bennett, H. D. Butler, T. J. Cheshire, J. R. 
Driscoll, W. F. Fox, Augustus Holman, M. Gilday, M. Kinnard, 
R. B. Livingston, O. B. Knight, R. T. Putnam, C. R. Perkins, W. 
J. Slaughter, G. A. J. Sims, G. F. Wells, J. P. Labby. 

Company li F. " 

W. G. Williamson, Captain. 

E. N. Wise, First Lieutenant. 

Wm. W. Dallam, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — H. C. Briggs, Isaac W. Hallam, J. Pendleton Rogers, 
Joseph T. Skillman. 

Corporals — Samuel T. Hopper, Henry A. Foote, C. B. Somer- 

Musician — Julien K. Morrison. 

Privates— F. M. Bayne, S. P. A. Berryhill, H. W. Baughn, A. 
J. Bost, William D. Bridges, Richard Champion, Pleasant Dalton, 
O. T. Edwards, David Green, A. M. Hoffman, J. B. Henry, R. 
Joyce, D. Joyce, J. P. Kendrick, Julius Knox, Volney Lennon, L. 
J. Matthews, J. R. Matthews, C. H. McCoy, P. H. McCraw, C. H. 
Myers. Samuel Rankin, D. Rice, J. Richardson, S. W. Richardson, 
Z. P. Sneed, J. B. Spurlin, G. W. Steele, Joseph W. Shearin, Z. 
L. Wall, J. T. Wall, W. B. Worlledge, W. A. Winkler, J. W. 
Johnson, J. N. Kelly. 

Company t{ G." 

Wm. R. Johnson, Captain. 

Wm. A. Gordon, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — R. B. Richardson, S. H. Tinsley, R. C. Vandegrift, 
C P. Allen, A. J. Silling, J. C. Trout, J. C. Hanes. 

Corporals— M. C. Metts, H. J. Johns, L. A. Guy. 

Privates — W. S. Amos, John P. Bradley, J. E. Foster, James 
Foster, Marshall Gross, B. Newman, Wm. Pollard, J. G. Seay, H. 
J. Vaughan, Geo. R. Williams, Jas. Barker, Jas. C. Britt, Robt. C. 
English, Jas. C. Garrett, Wm. R. Hopkins, John D. Malone, Jas. 

54 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

N. Marshall, A. P. Meadows, L. T. Meador, John Sheppard, Mica- 
jah Stone, J. A. Walder, Win. H. Wicks. 

Company "//"." 

John Bradford, Captain. 

Thomas J. Moncure, First Lieutenant. 

R. W. Peatross, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants— James W. Holt, R. M. DuBose. 

Privates— William Wright, W. H. Haynes, J. B. W. Hall, A. 
K. Jenkins, Lloyd P. Weeks, A. Y. Carroll, Thomas A. Blakey, 
Joshua Lindsay. 

Company "/" 

S. Howell Brown, First Lieutenant. 

P. Gay Scott, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — John Thomas Gibson, D. Averett, William deLacy, 
J. C. Harris, W. C. Powell. 

Corporals— S, P. Dalton, B. H. Brightwell. 

Privates — William M. Arnold, H. H. Bentley, Jacob Boone, M. 
L. Brightwell, I. X. Gauntt, J. W. N. Johnston, William Knight, 
J. H. Lecroy, J. W. Messer, William Perry, J. E. Wilkins. 

Company "A"." 

Corporal — A. B. Ellis. 

Privates — Edward Owens, Levi Watts, W. T. Armistead. 


Company " G." 

B. M. Harrod, Captain. 

J. E. Roller, First Lieutenant. 

F. Harris, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — J. B. Mullinix, T. S. Kitchens, D. T. Williams. 

Corporals — H. B. Fortescue, James Mabe, J. J. Medcalf. 

Privates — W. Baxley, J. S. Brady, Daniel Butler, Thomas Case, 
N. D Cooper, W. M. Cross, W. H. Gillikin, J. W. Harper, John 
Heckle, Stanley Leggett, H. J. Lee, M. A. McDougald, Benj. J. 
Morris, D. W. Payne, Reuben Popham, W. W. Sessoms, James 
B. Stanley, J. W. Stansell, W. Sutton, J. Swinson, A. Bryan 

Parole List of Engineer Troops. 55 

Company "//!" 

John Howard, Captain. 

W. Puick Welch, First Lieutenant. 

C. N. B. Minor, Second Lieutenant. 

Sergeants — Jno. H. Vardaman, James M. Duncan, K. C. Allen, 
O. A. Craven. 

Corporals — Wiley V. Pruitt, Jno. C. Jones, Thos. Allison, Thos. 
D. Burns. 

Privates — Darling Baker, B. E. Blackman, Jno. C. Boyle, Angus 
M. Campbell, H. G. Danner, Wm, S. Dupree, Jno. C. Foster, 
Jno. M. Fincher, David Hammock, T. N. Knovvles, P. B. Law- 
rence, Wm. J. Lial, Alfred M. Lloyd, Anthony D. Levy, Jno. H. 
Nichols, Silvanus Noggle, John O'Hara, Wm. H. Oakley, Robt. 
M. Robins, B. W. Rutledge, Wm. A. Ross, D. H. Stines, G. S. 
Saunders, M. A. Sigmond, Wm. G. Smart, Robt. Tolar, Wm. M. 
Taylor, Jno. B. -Timmons, W. H. Whitley, H. D. Zora. 

When or where Company "K" was paroled is not known, but 
we have a list of those present for duty on February 28th, 1865, 
which includes the following officers and men : 

G. W. Robertson, Captain. 

Sergeants — A. F. Graham, G. W. Robertson, J. N. McMahan, 
J. K. Todd, John Mills, W. M. Dickson. 

Corporals — A. B. Ellis, Cary Hays, J. F. Bellune, Jas. Griffin. 

Artificer— W. L. Stewart. 

Privates— W. T. Armistead, A. Beardin, W. H. Brown, J. T. 
Crisp, D. G. Crysel, J. F. Cole, R A. Donaldson, J. P. Duncan, 
J. H. Edwards, J. M. Fowler, B. A. Gainer, Allen Griffin, R. S. 
Gulledge, S. H. Gulledge, G. W. Harris, E. Hatcher, John Hays, 
T. E. Johnson, Lewis Jones, R. Jones, John Kennedy, G. Leopard, 
T. H. Logan, R. G. McElmurry, C. A. Milhous, I. G. Minter, 
John Regan, W. T. Reddick, I. W. Reed, J. S. Roundtree, S. 
Rudd, J. W. Smith, R. Sturkie, R. H. Taylor, W. F. Tice, L. 
Watts, W. L. White, W. T. Williams, J. G. Zeigler. 

There were some casualties on the retreat and especially in a 
skirmish at High Bridge just before the surrender, of which the 
following report has been preserved: 

56 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


Field mid Staff. 

Assistant Surgeon Trueheart, shot in finger at High Bridge, April 
7, 1865. 

Company "A" 

Company "&" 

Private Crowley, killed. 

Lieutenant Venable, wounded and in hands of enemy. 

Corporal Jackson, wounded and in hands of enemy. 

Private Smith, wounded and in hands of enemy. 

Private Venters, wounded and in hands of enemy. 

Sergeant Burnham, missing. 

Private Carmichael, missing. 

Private Drennan, missing. 

Private Houser, missing. 

Private Rector, missing. 

Private Shearer, missing. 

Company "C" 

Private H. M. Gardner, killed. 
Private Milliner, missing. 
Private Sprayberry, misssing. 

Company "£>." 

Company "F." 
Private T. J. Cheshire, wounded. 

Company U F." 
Private D. B. Mebane, killed, at Petersburg, April 3. 

Company t( G." 
Private George W. Davis, wounded in thigh and missing. 

Company "If." 
Sergeant J. B. Dorsey, wounded. 
Sergeant J. M. Fraser, wounded. 
Corporal Bivins, wounded. 

Parole List of Engineer Troops. 57 

Company "/" 



Company "//." 

Private Sigmond, wounded. 
Sergeant Mable, missing. 
Corporal Hutcheson, missing. 
Private Dokley, missing. 
Private Moore, missing. 
Private Monday, missing. 

Company "G." 

Private Mercer, wounded and in hands of enemy. 
Private Peale, wounded and in hands of enemy. 
Private Whitley, missing. 
Private Williams, missing. 
Private Cook, missing. 
Private Jones, missing. 
Private Hunter, missing. 
Private Keller, missing. 

Total Casualties. 

Killed, 2 

Wounded, in our hands, . . . . . . . 5 

Wounded, in enemy's hands, ...... 7 

Missing, .......... 19 

Total, 33 

58 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the New Orleans, La , Picayune, Sunday, December 11, 1904. 


Remarkable Episode in the Operations on the Mississippi. 


Planned to Deliver Part of the Gunboat Fleet to the Confederate 
Officials— Scheme Came to Naught- Glenney's 
Escape to Mexico. 

The attempted sale by Lieutenant Daniel W. Glenney, of the 
United States Navy, of a portion of the gunboat fleet in the Mis- 
sippi river to the Confederate authorities, in May, 1863, has not 
been heretofore fully given to the public. The correspondence 
which follows gives all details which are attainable. 

On the 7th of May, 1863, John J. Pettus, Governor of Missis- 
sippi, addressed a letter from Jackson to Hon. Jefferson Davis, as 
follows : 

Mr. President, — Allow me to consult you on a matter we deem 
of great interest. 

A private citizen, unconnected with the army, some four weeks 
ago conceived the plan of buying out a considerable portion of the 
enemy's gunboat fleet. He consulted the Hon. Jacob Thompson 
in the premises, by whom he was urged to open the negotiations 
through a suitable agent, with an assurance that the government 
would approve and indorse the project. The gentleman then pro- 
cured a shrewd political man, of character and property, whose 
proximity to the fleet gave him unusual facilities for success. The 
negotiations have now become so far perfected that we are informed 
six boats, all north of Vicksburg and south of Memphis, can be had 
for a consideration not exceeding one-half or two-thirds original 
cost. The boats will be delivered at the mouth of White river, 
with all their equipments and armaments. The condition of suc- 
cess now is the government's indorsement and the money with 
which to pay. Confederate money will not answer the purpose; it 
must be either specie or sterling exchange. It will require about 
$1, 000,000 to complete the purchase. It must be done at the 

Attempted Sale of the Federal Fleet. 


earliest practicable moment. I need not advert to the advantages 
to our cause of such an arrangement. We could capture north of 
Vicksburg ten times the value of the boats. 

In connection with the scheme is another of scarcely less impor- 
tance, brought to my notice by the same gentleman, and intrusted 
to the same agent. The post of Helena, the richest in stores of 
any on this continent, perhaps, ordnance, etc., can be bought out 
at one-tenth its value, with which the Department of General E. K. 
Smith could be furnished with arms, etc. If you approve the plan 
please include Helena with the boats, and give us, by telegraph, a 
knowledge of your indorsement in words, say, plan approved. 
General Pemberton, the Confederate Treasurer, Mr. Dellow and 
others might be ordered in general terms to confer with me and fur- 
nish all facilities to accomplish an understood purpose. There 
must not be delay or all may be frustrated. We ought not, of 
course, be restricted much as to reasonable sums of money. Gen- 
eral Parsons, of Missouri, with a good command, is now encamped a 
few miles west of Helena, and could co-operate with the boats on 
the river in the bloodless capture of Helena. 

Awaiting your earliest advices, and begging to urge your prompt 
action, I beg to subscribe. 

President Davis on the back of this letter wrote: "Confiden- 
tial letter of Governor Pettus." 

The record shows nothing farther of the proposed transaction 
until June 24, when a dispatch from Governor Pettus was sent to 
Mr. Davis. This dispatch shows that Mr. Mallory, the Secretary 
of the Navy, had not approved of the plan, and that Mr. Davis had 
forwarded a copy of it to Governor Pettus. 

To this letter Governor Pettus replied : 

To the President : The plan submitted to you in my letter 7th 
of May, is embarrassed and may fail by reasons of instructions 
given by Secretary of the Navy. 

No allusion made to Helena. 

In these instructions, if possible, give to General Johnston a 
wide discretion in use of this fund embracing the purchase of boats, 
destruction of transports and securing Helena. 

General Johnston and I are more familiar with circumstances sur- 
rounding the matter than Secretary Mallory. We are willing to 
take the responsibility of the disbursement. The details of the 

60 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

transaction cannot be wisely prescribed by the Secretary without a 
more thorough knowledge of all the circumstances. 

J. J. Pettus. 

The proposed purchase of the stores, etc., at Helena thus failed, 
but as to the negotiations for the purchase of the United States 
gunboat Rattler and the results, the following correspondence will 
explain : 

U. S. S. Rattler. September 5, 1864. 

Sir, — It is with deep regret that I make the following report : 

Receiving information that two Confederate officers were stop- 
ping at the house of one Mr. James, which is a short distance above 
this vessel, on the bank of the riyer, I resolved to make an effort 
to capture them. On the night of the 4th inst. , at about 8 o'clock, 
an officer left the vessel in the cutter, with twenty-two men, and 
landed on the shore abreast of the vessel. Two negroes, who were 
left in charge of the boat were attacked by the enemy and killed. 
The officer in charge of the expedition had nearly accomplished his 
mission, when, hearing the discharge of musketry, he immediately 
started for this vessel, and suddenly fell into an ambuscade of about 
600 of the enemy; my men, being completely surrounded, were 
obliged to surrender. The guns of this vessel covered the parties 
during the whole time, but it was not prudent to fire, as we were in 
danger of killing our own men. In the meantime the enemy had 
manned the cutter and proceeded to capture this vessel and when 
more alongside became intimidated and started with all speed down 
the river. In the meantime I had slipped cable, but it was useless 
to chase the boat, as it had become lost to us in the darkness. I 
headed slowly up the river, keeping close to the bank, and was so 
fortunate as to pick up my officer and two of the men, who had 
escaped after they had surrendered to the enemy. 

I am painfully conscious I have been the victim of negro duplic- 
ity, by trusting in their apparently truthful stories, which has been 
the cause of this unfortunate disaster. I have no excuse to offer in 
vindication of myself, and if I have erred it has been with the inten- 
tion of benefiting the good cause we are all mutually engaged in. 
I recovered twenty white men by the dispatch boat, who were the 
ones captured. 

In conclusion, I would respectfully state that to-morrow I shall 
endeavor to recover my men, even if I am obliged to give myself in 

Attempted Sale of the Federal Fleet. 61 

ransom for them. I should undoubtedly have been with them now 
if illness had not prevented my so doing. 

I am very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, 

Daniel W. Glenney, 
Acting Master, Commanding. 

Lieutenant Commander Thomas O. Selfridge, Commanding 
U. S. S. Vindicator and Fifth District. 

P. S. — The thirteen boxes of tobacco which I captured I shall 
send to Cairo by the dispatch boat. 

U. S. S. Rattler, September 6, 1864. 
Sir, — In my dispatch to you of the 5th inst, I gave an account 
of the capture of a number of men by the enemy, under the com- 
mand of one Colonel Isaac F. Harrison. 

Yesterday I proceeded to the camp of the enemy, had an inter- 
view with the commanding officer, and procured release on their 
parole of honor not to bear arms against the Confederate authori- 
ties until properly exchanged. 

I am, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, 

Daniel W. Glenney, 
Acting Master, Commanding. 
Lieutenant Commander Thomas O. Selfridge, Commanding 
U. S. S. Vindicator and Fifth District. 
P. S. — I would respectfully mention that three Colt's navy revol- 
vers and seventeen Enfield rifles were captured. 

' D. W. Glenney. 

U. S. S. Vindicator, Fifth District, September 1, 1864. 

Sir — Your surprise at the capture of the Rattler' s men will not 
be greater than mine upon Captain Glenney presenting himself to 
me last evening. Surprised as much at the intelligence of the affair 
as that he should leave his vessel without permission and come down 
to me. 

Some weeks ago Captain Glenney went out back of St. Joseph, 
with a party from the Benton, and narrowly escaped capture. 
When I learned of it I told him positively that I wished him to con- 
fine himself to the vessel, and not to send parties ashore. 

It would seem to me a plan laid to entrap him, the story of the 
negroes that there were to be officers at Mr. James' house that 

62 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

evening', and the improbabilty of there being such a large force 
close to the banks of the river at that time of night without reason. 
Unhappily, their plans worked very well. The party sent ashore 
were raw recruits and in charge only of an engineer, that escaped. 

The strangest part of the story is that the enemy went off in the 
Rattler s cutter to capture her. They were only discovered when 
within musket range, and, but for an accident would have been on 
board of her. Captain Glenney states that he immediately slipped, 
but lost sight of her, and she escaped. As the night was bright 
starlight, it would seem to show that there must have been great 
excitement on the Rattler. 

Captain Glenney the next day went some twenty miles in the 
country, unattended, to seek an interview with Colonel Harrison, 
who finally consented to release them on parole. 

Upon after consideration, I will keep those paroled men on the 
Rattler until I can learn if there is any immediate chance of effect- 
ing their exchange. 

If not, I will send them up the first opportunity. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Thos. O. Selfridge, 


Rear-Admiral David D. Porter, Commanding Mississippi 

U. S. S. Rattler, Mississipi River, November 4, 1864. 

Sir, — It becomes my duty to inform you of the desertion of the 
executive officer of this vessel, Acting-Ensign E. P. Nellis, and 
of the escape of Acting-Master D. W. Glenney. Sentries were 
placed at each door of the room in which Acting-Master Glen- 
ney was confined, and all precautions taken as usual. 

They probably left the vessel between the hours of 11 and 12 
P. M., in a skiff which was on the guard. The officer of deck, 
Acting-Ensign H. E. Church, reports that he was relieved by Mr. 
Nellis. I am, 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 


Acting Master, Commanding. 

Lieutenant-Commander R. L. May, Commanding Fifth Dis- 
trict Mississippi Squadron. 

Attempted Sale of the Federal Fleet. 63 

U. S. S. Pittsburg, Off Rodney, November 5, 1864. 
Sir, — The inclosed letter has just been handed me by Acting 
Second-Assistant Engineer W. H. Mitchell, of this vessel, who 
says it was handed to him by one of the men of the Rattler, some 
ten days since, while she was laying alongside of this vessel, with 
the quest that he (Mr. Mitchell; would send it on shore for him. 
Mr. Mitchell did not send it on shore, as he knew it was contrary to 
do so without my permission, and as he knew that I had some let- 
ters returned to Captain Glenney a few days before, which were 
addressed to the same person, he thought it not while to ask me. 
After the Vindicator passed down this P. M., from which vessel we 
learned of the desertion of Captain Glenney, Mr. Mitchell opened 
the letter and seeing the nature of the" contents, immediately 
brought it to me. The person to whom the letter is addressed is a 
young lady living in the town of Rodney, and as near as I have 
been able to learn, is no relation whatever of Captain G's. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. R. Hoel, 
Acting Volunteer-Lieutenant, Commanding. 

Lieutenant Commander R. L. May, United States Navy, Com- 
manding Fifth District Mississippi Squadron. 

The letter alluded to by Mr. Hoel reads as follows : 

U. S. S. Rattler, Wednesday morning, 10 o'clock. 

My Dearest Cousin, — Once more I have the pleasure of behold- 
ing the pleasant hills of your little town, but, alas, it is a 
mournful one, for I am still in durance vile, and with no prospect of 
an immediate release. 

The insult that has been put upon me by the servant of an imbe- 
cile government has sunk deep into my heart. Ifnow live for one 
purpose, and that is deep, bitter revenge, I will sacrifice home, 
kindred, aye, my dearest friends, to accomplish my aim. Like a 
snake I will sting when least expected, and my name shall be a ter- 
ror to every Yankee. The haunts of old ocean are too familiar to 
me to fear their fast cruisers, for will not my bonny barque be 
equally as swift? Do not reproach me, dear cousin, and abhor me 
for my intentions, but you wish me to be all confidence with you, 
or else you would not know my future intentions. There are other 

64 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

brave hearts that will sail under my orders, who are now serving 
under Federal Government. You, who are the only being that I 
claim as a friend, will not, I hope, despise me. Do not call me a 
traitor; remember that I have been true and faithful to the Federals 
till they wrongfully abused me, and I will protest against them 
forever. We have come here for the purpose of getting coal, but 
as there is none here, we shall proceed on to Natchez. 

I shall expect to get a nice letter from you on my return. Tear 
this letter up as soon as you have read it. Did you get my letter I 
sent by hand ? 

Hoping that we may meet again, I remain as ever, 

Your affectionate cousin, 

P. S. — Please excuse that bad-looking blot. 

(Envelope addressed : "Miss Minnie Wilcox (or Wilcore) Rod- 
ney, Miss.") 

United States Mississippi Squadron, 
Flagship Black Hawk, 

Mount City, November 18, 1864. 
Sir, — Referring to my No. 2, of 2d inst., I inclose a copy of a 
communication dated 7th inst., from Lieutenant-Commander R. L. 
May, with inclosures, as therein stated, reporting the desertion of 
Acting- Master G. W. Glenney, late commanding the Rattler, and 
Acting-Ensign E. P. Nellis, of the same vessel, on the 4th inst. 

The Department's letter of the 8th inst., giving instructions as to 
the disposition to be made of Acting-Master Glenny's case, was 
received on the 12th inst. 
I have the honor to be, sir, 

Very respectfully yours, 

S. P. Lee, 
Acting Rear-Admiral, Commanding Mississippi Squadron. 

Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, 
D. C. 

Natchez, November 7, 1864. 

Captain French, of the transport Brown had a friend to visit him 

at Vicksburg (on his last trip down) who was a prisoner at some 

place back of Vicksburg. While confined one night in a room 

adjoining one occupied by rebel officers, he overheard them discuss- 

Attempted Sale of the Federal Fleet. 65 

ing the case of Glenney. He learned that G. was to weaken his 
crew by allowing his men to be taken prisoners and then to be 
overpowered by men from shore. He agreed to cross the rebel 
army or allow it to cross, for which he was to receive $2,000 in 
money and one hundred bales of cotton. 

It is said that he has received the money, but not the cotton. 

Respectfully submitted, 

R. L. May, Lieutenant-Commander, 
Commanding Fifth District Mississippi Squadron. 

U. S. S. Rattler, October 18, 1864. 

Friend Randolph, — Last evening the merchant steamer Joseph 
Pierce touched alongside of this vessel, and a gentleman who 
claimed to be your brother visited me. On account of existing 
circumstances, his wish could not be granted. He was kind enough 
to send me the following message, to-wit : that a rebel deserter was 
on board of the Benton, who could swear that I had communicated 
with the enemy and agreed to sell my vessel to them. God is con- 
scious that I am innocent of anything wrong, and if I have done a 
wrong it has been from a desire to serve the good cause that we are 
all actually engaged in. My conscience, dear friend, is as clear as 
the noonday sun, but circumstantial evidence has at times proved 
stronger than positive proof, and such evidence undoubtedly may 
be brought against me. 

I now wish to receive a favor from you, and you will eventually 
find that I am not unmindful of it. As soon as you receive this 
note, answer it by first boat up and tell me who the rebel is that you 
have. Whether he is an officer or a private, what is his name, 
when he did come aboard of you, and what the story is that he 
tells ? Please be candid with me, and you will never regret it. Let 
me know what Mr. Lound's sentiments are. 

I am very anxious to get information as speedily as possible, as I 
have a lawyer already engaged, who is in direct communication 
with me. 

The events of the last few weeks have made me nearly broken- 
hearted. I have been treated unjustly, but I will not complain, 
convinced as I am that an impartial court will honorably acquit me 
of any wrong. 

You will excuse me for not going into details at present, but at a 

66 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

favorable opportunity I will tell you all. Hoping to hear from you 
soon, I will close, remaining, your friend, 

Dan'l W. Glenney, 
U. S. Navy, off Hurricane Island. 


U. S. S. Benton, 
Natchez, November 7, 1864. 

Sir, — There is no doubt about the treachery of Acting Master 
Glenney. By the letter (marked A) it will be seen that he and his 
friend Nellis escaped from the steamer Rattler on the 4th instant. 
I learn that Glenney had much influence over Nellis, who was young 
and romantic. I did not know of their intimacy before, or I would 
have had Glenney brought to the Benton. I ordered him in close 
arrest when I first came down, and Captain Willets thought he 
could take care of them. 

I forward two letters from Glenney (B and C) that present a re- 
markable contrast — one to an ensign of this ship (who handed it to 
the Captain at once, and one to a lady in Rodney), which is ex- 
plained in Captain Hoel's letter marked "D." 

I have made a memorandum, "E," of a report from the captain 
of the Brown, which goes still further to show the perfidy of the 
traitor. Glenney was a seafaring man, having been mate of a ship 
out of New York. 

On the 24th of October Mr. Nellis sent in his resignation as acting 
ensign, in order, as he says in his letter, to get the appointment of 
pilot below Vicksburg. Accompanying is a recommendation from 
the two pilots of the Forest Rose. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. L. May, 

Acting Rear Admiral. 

S. P. Lee, Commanding Mississippi Squadron. 

All that can be ascertained relative to the proposed purchase of 
the United States gunboat of the iron-clad fleet stationed between 
Natchez and Vicksburg during 1 863-' 64 is that the boat was com- 
manded by Captain Glenney, and was to have been sold for $50,000 
gold. Arrangements were all agreed upon, but failed when the 
delivery was about to be made, through some misunderstanding 

From Petersburg to Appomattox. 67 

between Captain Glenney and the Confederate commander, Colonel 
J. F. Harrison, of the Third Louisiana cavalry. Glenney, as before 
shown, was put in irons, but made his escape, went to New Orleans, 
and was assisted by Confederates in that city to go to Mexico, and 
has not since been heard from. 

Marcus J. Wright. 
Washington, D. C. 

[From the Times-Dispatch, January 1, 1905.] 


A Brave Officer's Recollection of the Last Hours of the 


By Colonel T. M. R. TALCOTT, in Command of the Engineer Troops 
of the Army of Northern Virginia. 

During the winter of 1864-5, by order of General Lee the Engi- 
neer Troops rebuilt Bevill's Bridge over the Appomattox river about 
twenty-five miles above Petersburg, and sent a pontoon bridge 
which was at Petersburg, to the Richmond and Danville Railroad 
crossing of the Staunton river, ninety miles west of Richmond. 
Another pontoon bridge was ready for use at the site of Goode's 
Bridge over the Appomattox, between Bevill's Bridge and the R. 
& D. R. R. crossing of that stream, and requisition was made on 
the Engineer Bureau for a pontoon train to be held in reserve sub- 
ject to order. 

In addition to these preparations for the possible exigencies of 
the spring campaign, a map was made, showing the roads from 
Richmond and Petersburg to the several crossings of the Appomat- 
tox river, to be distributed to the corps and division commanders 
when needed. This map has since been published by the United 
States Government. 

On Sunday, April 2, 1865, General Lee notified the Engineer 
Bureau to send at once to Matoax by the Richmond & Danville 

68 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Railroad, the reserve pontoon train, which was being held in Rich- 
mond, and Engineer Troops were sent with orders to take it up to 
Genito and throw a bridge over the river to enable wagon trains 
from Richmond to cross at that point. 

The water in the Appomattox river was so high on April 3 and 
4 as to cover the approaches to Bevill's Bridge, rendering that cross- 
ing useless during the retreat, and contrary to expectations, the 
Engineer Bureau did not ship the pontoon train intended for 
Genito, and used the boats for another purpose, so that the pon- 
toon bridge at Goode's was the only available crossing for wagons 
on April 3rd, when it was availed of by wagon trains which came 
east of the river for safety after the Five Forks engagement, thus 
adding to the number of wagons to be passed over the pontoons at 
Goode's Bridge during the retreat, and there being no pontoons 
for Genito, the Engineer Troops at Mattoax made huried prepara- 
tion of the railroad bridge at that point for the passage of wagon 
trains which had been ordered to cross at Genito, and move by 
roads north of Amelia Courthouse. 

Thus it happened that although General Lee's plans contem- 
plated three available crossings of the Appomattox river for troops, 
artillery and wagon trains, and a fourth that could be used for 
troops if ^necessary, only two bridges were available, and one of 
them the railroad bridge, of difficult approach for artillery and 

Amelia Courthouse was the rendezvous for the army after cross- 
ing the Appomattox, to which commissary supplies had been or- 
dered, and the route via Bevill's bridge was the shortest from Peters- 
burg to that point, but this crossing of the Appomattox river being 
unavailable on the 3rd and 4th, the troops ordered that way were 
forced to cross the river at Goode's bridge, which required more 
time and delayed concentration at Amelia Courthouse; for addi- 
tional time was required for the march by a longer route, the time 
of crossing the river was prolonged by the larger force to be passed 
over the pontoon bridge at Goode's, and the railroad bridge at Ma- 
toax. Besides this, the water was falling during the time of crossing 
at Goode's, and the approaches to the pontoon bridge had to be 
readjusted from time to time, causing occasional interruptions to 
the use of that bridge. 

The delay of at least one day disconcerted General Lee's plans, 
and gave Grant time to occupy the commanding ridge on which the 

From Petersburg to Appomattox. 69 

railway is located at Jetersville, and with it the control of Lee's line 
of communication with Johnston's army. 

The crossing of the Appomattox having been effected and the 
bridges destroyed, the Engineer troops moved on to Amelia Court- 
house on April 5th, where they overtook the main body of the 
army, which was soon after in motion westward from that point, 
without the rations which should have been there, and not in the 
direction originally contemplated by General Lee, but towards 
Amelia Springs, the road to which crossed Flat creek some miles 
north of Jetersville, which by that time was in possession of the 

Soon after leaving Amelia Courthouse we received orders from 
General Lee to move rapidly ahead, and on arrival at the crossing 
of Flat creek we found that the county road bridge over that stream 
had given way, so that neither artillery nor wagons could cross it. 
General Lee was himself on the ground, and evidently considered 
the situation critical enough to require his personal attention. He 
explained his anxiety by saying that General Stuart had captured a 
dispatch from General Grant to General Ord, who was at Jeters- 
ville, ordering an attack early the next morning, and did not leave 
until he was assured that material for a new bridge was close at 

[Major Robert W. Hunter, "Secretary of Military Records for 
Virginia," in a communication in the Tiines- Dispatch of January 
8> 1905, gives a more definite account of this dispatch: 

" The dispatch referred to was taken by General Gordon's orders 
from a "Jessie Scout," who, with the dispatch- concealed in the lin- 
ing of his coat, had boldly ridden to the head of Gordon's column, 
representing himself and companion as soldiers of General Fitz 
Lee's cavalry returning from furlough and wishing to be informed 
as to the location of their command. The circumstances which 
aroused suspicion and led to their capture are given with appro- 
priate accuracy by General Gordon in his " Reminiscences'' pages 

" The captives expected to be executed as spies, but naturally pre- 
ferred to be shot instead of being hung. Desiring to avoid the use- 
less sacrifice of life, General Gordon with General Lee's concur- 
rence, awaited developments, and the spies were held as prisoners 
until the surrender, when they were delivered with other prisoners 
to the Union forces. 

70 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

1 ' The captured dispatch was of such importance that it was sent at 
once to General Lee, who, at four o'clock on the morning of the 
7th, wrote in pencil a note to General Gordon of three pages, giv- 
ing clear and most minute directions as to routes, and means to foil 
the enemy's plans. Considering General Lee's extremely difficult 
environment at the time and under the circumstances it was written, 
I think it will be regarded as one of the best illustrations of the 
me?is equa in arduis to be found in military annals. After General 
Gordon had studied the note with the aid of our maps, I put it in 
my pocket and preserved it, together with an original of the fare- 
well order of the 10th of April, until it was sent to Mrs. Gordon as 
a memento of a remarkable incident in the career of her illustrious 
husband. Unfortunately, the original of General Lee's note was 
lost in the fire which consumed General Gordon's home in 1899, but 
I took the precaution before giving it away to have a copy made for 
the Official Records of the War, in which it now appears. 

"The mention of General Stuart's name in connection with the 
incident was, of course, a lapse of the pen."] 

The bridge was built and the artillery and wagons passed over it 
before morning, so that when a Federal battery was unlimbered on 
a hill to the southward and opened fire soon after sunrise, April 6th, 
only the Engineer Troops and a gang of negro workmen, which 
had accompanied the army from Petersburg, were within range of 
the guns. The route General Lee intended to pursue was via 
Jetersville, the road to which did not cross Flat creek and therefore 
no attention had been paid to the condition of this bridge in advance 
of the movement. 

After this nothing worth recording occurred under my observa- 
tion until the command reached Sailors creek that evening just 
before the battle at that point, when orders were received to push 
forward and endeavor to expedite the movement of the wagon 
trains which was being retarded by a small stream over which there 
was only a single narrow bridge with many lines of wagons con- 
verging towards it, and contending for the right of way. 

Additional crossings of the stream were soon provided and the 
congestion was being relieved when the disordered remnant of our 
rear guard, which had been routed at Sailor's creek, and the stam- 
peded drivers and their teams from abandoned wagon trains came 
hurrying by. 

Presuming that the enemy were in hot pursuit, the Engineer 

From Petersburg to Appomattox. 71 

troops were drawn up in line across the road to offer some resistance 
to their advance, soon after which General Lee himself appeared on 
the hill beyond us, where the disordered remnant of his rear guard 
had halted, and ordered the senior officer to move them on, saying 
that General Mahone's troops were coming to protect the rear of 
the army, and, as he expressed it, would not let " those people " 
trouble them; meaning, of course, the Federals, for whom that was 
his favorite expression. 

On General Mahone's arrival, General Lee instructed him as com- 
mander of the rear guard of his army to cross the Appomattox at 
the "High Bridge" and destroy the bridges, which included the 
railroad bridge and a wagon bridge close by it, being careful to see 
that all troops, artillery and wagon trains had passed before setting 
fire to them. The Engineer troops were ordered to move ahead 
of General Mahone's command, prepare the bridges for burning, 
and set fire to them when ordered to do so by General Mahone, or 
one of his staff officers. 

On the morning of April 7th all the troops, artillery and wagon 
trains being apparently across the river and no orders having been 
received to set fire to the bridges, Lieutenant-Colonel Blackford, of 
the First Regiment of Engineer troops, was sent in search of Gen. 
Mahone to solicit the orders for which we were waiting. He found 
him on the road about four miles beyond the High bridge, and re- 
turned with instructions to burn the bridges just as the enemy's 
skirmish line was approaching, and a battery unlimbered on the 
eastern hills. Both bridges were set on fire, but our skirmish line 
was driven back and the wagon bridge was captured before it had 
been seriously injured. Two spans of the railroad bridge were 
burnt. General Long, in his Memoirs of General Lee, refers to 
his chagrin at the failure to burn a bridge over the Appomattox 
river, but it was a more important one higher up the river near 
Farmville, and not the one referred to. 

The 7th and 8th of April were uneventful days for the Engineer 
Troops, but on the morning of the 9th, when General Gordon was 
trying to cut through the Federal lines, it was reported that a force 
of Federal cavalry was threatening the wagon trains in Gordon's 
rear, and acting on general instructions to make the Engineer 
troops useful wherever they could be of most service, they were 
moved southward from the road to Appomattox Courthouse across 
a small creek, and deployed on the left of a section of artillery 
which was occupying an isolated position. 

72 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

There was a narrow space of cleared ground immediately in front 
of the line, but beyond that dense woods from which came hoarse 
cheers, characteristic of the Federal troops, indicating that the 
enemy were close at hand and an attack imminent. 

Soon afterwards a Federal cavalry officer coatless, and revolver 
in hand, dashed from the woods ahead of his men, called on us in 
very uncomplimentary terms to surrender, and fell under a scatter- 
ing fire which was delivered contrary to orders not to fire until the 
word of command. Immediately thereafter orders came from Gen- 
eral Gordon to cease firing for a flag of truce was out. 

The artillery on our right and one of Mahone's brigades which 
had joined our left, being withdrawn, the Engineer troops with- 
drew across the creek, which was picketed as the line of demarca- 
tion between the two armies during the truce. 

It chanced that General Lee noticed the movement which was 
not far distant from where he was waiting before his meeting with 
General Grant, and being told that it was the Engineer troops sent 
for me, and in the short interview which followed, he stated the sit- 
uation, saying that he felt it to be his duty to meet General Qrant 
for the purpose of negotiating terms of surrender, and stopping 
further sacrifice of life. 

While General Lee was waiting to hear from General Grant, a 
crowd was accumulating, including some Federals who had come 
through the lines, and by order of Colonel Walter H. Taylor of 
of General Lee's staff, a cordon of sentinels was placed around the 
space temporarily occupied as headquarters, and maintained until 
after General Lee returned from his interview with General Grant. 
This was the last military duty the Engineer troops were ordered 
to perform. 

I happened to be where I was and among the first to meet Gen. 
Lee as he returned from Appomattox Courthouse, and he kindly 
stopped to inform me of the terms of surrender and of Grant's 
promise to send rations, telling me to keep my command together 
and make them as comfortable as possible until paroled. 

T. M. R. Talcott, 

Colonel of Engineers. 

The Burning of Richmond. 78 

[From the Richmond, Va., Times-Dispatch.] 


Colonel Ripley, in Command of the Federal Troops, Gives 
His Recollections of the Tragedy. 

Editor of The Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — My attention has recently been called to an article in 
your paper recalling- the memories of that eventful day, the 3d of 
April, 1865, which you may " well call the most memorable day in 
the history of Richmond." 

That day witnessed the entry of the Northern troops into the 
city after four years of desperate struggle for its possession to find 
it fired by its own defenders, and being pillaged by its own inhabi- 

The generation that knew of the dramatic events of that great 
day has mostly passed away, and few remain to tell the true story. 

Your own account, correct in the main, leaves so much untold of 
the real history of that day, that in justice to the heroic and suc- 
cessful labors of the devoted troops to which the city owed its pre- 
servation from total destruction, accompanied by an appalling loss 
of life. I am led to ask you to publish something supplemental, 
which will let the public know exactly to whom the credit of the 
saving of the city and the care of the people was due. 

At the close of the war, I had the honor of commanding the First 
Brigade, Third Division, (Deven's Division) Twenty-fourth Army 
Corps, Army of the James, lying in the trenches at the point 
where our works approached nearest the city. 

My brigade was first over the Confederate works, and headed the 
advance upon the city. It led the column in the formal entry, and 
at the City Hall halted while I reported to Major-General Weitzel, 
commanding the troops operating on the north side of the James 
that day. 

He had taken up his position on the platform of the high steps at 
the east front of the Confederate Capitol, and there looking down 
into a gigantic crater of fire, suffocated and blinded with the vast 
volumes of smoke and cinders which rolled up over and developed 
us, he assigned me and my brigade to the apparently hopeless task 

74 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of stopping the conflagration and suppressing, the mob of Confede- 
rate stragglers, released criminals and negroes, who had far ad- 
vanced in pillaging the city at our arrival. 

He had no suggestions to make, no orders to give, except to 
strain every nerve to save the city, crowded as it was with women 
and children, and the sick and wounded of the Army of Northern 

The recent fire in Baltimore will help to give an idea of the for- 
midable task thus given my brigade. 

After requesting Major-General Weitzel to have all the other 
troops marched out of the city and placed in the inner lines of 
works, and that no permissions should be granted to enter the city, 
I took the Hon. Joseph Mayo, then mayor of Richmond, with me 
to the City Hall, where I established my headquarters. With the 
help of the city officials I distributed my regiments quickly in va- 
rious sections, and sent some of my staff to inspect the fire depart- 
ment and report upon the help we could expect from it. They 
reported little aid to be expected here, not, as you say, from lack 
of men, but because most of the hose had been destroyed or ren- 
dered useless. The danger to the troops engaged in this terrific 
fire-fighting, compared to such a fire as that in Baltimore, was 
infinitely enhanced by the vast quantities of powder and shells 
stowed in the section burning. It was like a contest of innumerable 
artillery, like that which preceded Pickett's memorable assault at 
Gettysburg, and was awe-inspiring, punctuated by the heavier ex- 
plosions of the ironclads in the river. Into this sea of fire with no 
less courage and self-devotion as though fighting for their own fire- 
sides and families, stripped and plunged the brave men of the First | 
brigade, with what success the citizens of Richmond have but to 
look about them to recognize. 

Meanwhile, detachments scoured the city, warning every one 
from the streets to their houses, arresting Confederate stragglers, of 
whom we had thousands shut up before night, Libby and Castle 
Thunder being soon crowded with them. 

All persons carryiug plunder were arrested and the plunderer 
carried to the City Hall, where the available space was filled with 
it, an officer taking a careful description of it. 

The ladies of Richmond, whose imaginations had for years been 
highly inflamed by the rather too lurid descripttons of the Rich- 
mond press of the barbaric hordes composing the Union armies, 
expecting a scene of mediaevel rapine, thronged my headquarters, 

The Burning of Richmond. 75 

frantically imploring protection. They were sent to their homes 
under the escort of guards, who were afterwards \ osted in the 
center house of each block and made responsible foi the safety of 
the neighborhood. Although these men were taken indiscriminately 
from the detail for duty that day from regiments from Wisconsin, 
Connecticut, New Hampshire, Brooklyn, Northern and Central 
New York, and were not selected men, I never heard a complaint 
of rudeness on their part, but uniformly unstinted praise of their 
soldierly performance of a trying duty, of which I hear echoes down 
through the years to this day. Many painful cases of destitution 
were brought to light by the presence of these safeguards in private 
houses, and the soldiers divided rations with their temporary wards, 
in many cases, until a general system of relief was organized. 

You say, " that considering the tumult and panic of that heart- 
breaking day, the wonder is not that Richmond suffered so greatly, 
but that it did not fare worse." That it did not fare worse is due 
to the heroic efforts and high character of these representative men 
of the Army of the James, to whom I think you give but faint 

You also say: " From what we have heard there must have been 
a time when the operations of the fire department were practically 
suspended." In this you are quite correct, for the Richmond fire 
department was not a factor in that fight for the city's existence. 

At 2 o'clock that night, with my staff, I mounted my horse and 
rode through the city on a tour of inspection, encountering no 
sign of life in the streets except the sentries pacing their beats. 
The fire was under control, though still burning, and the silence of 
death which brooded over the city so lately in the hands of that 
wild mob, was only broken by the occasional explosion of shells in 
the ruins. 

And now, may I ask you to give to the citizens of Richmond 
the names of the regiments to which all this was due, in justice to 
and in perpetuation of their memory ? 

I have before me as I write the morning memorandum report of 
my Assistant- Adjutant-General of the strength of the ist brigade 
on the day after our taking possession of the city. It is as follows: 

Staff — On duty 7, aggregate 7, effective 6. 

Eleventh Connecticut — Officers 15, men 390; officers 26, men 
412; officers 15, men 390; commanding, Major Charles Warren. 

Thirteenth New Hampshire — Officers 9, men 227; officers 13, 

76 Southern Historical Society Payers. . 

men 247; officers 13, men 247; officers 13, men 220; commanding, 
Major L. S. Studley. 

Nineteenth Wisconsin — Officers n, men 369; officers 15, men 
388; officers 13, men 310. 

Eighty-first New York — Officers 10, men 81; officers 11, men 83; 
officers 6, men 71; commanding', Major D. B. White. 

Ninety-eighth New York — Officers 15, men 236; officers 17, men 
268; officers 13, men 210; commanding, Lieutenant-Colonel W. 

One Hundred and Thirty-ninth New York — Officers 12, men 294^ 
officers 16, men 309; officers 12, men 278; commanding, Major 
Theodore Miller. 

Convalescent detachment from the 2d and 3d divisions which had 
gone over to the extreme left to reinforce Sheridan. 

Officers 12, men 532; officers 14, men 546; officers 12, men 471. 

Total — Officers 91, men 2,119; officers 119, men 2,250; officers 
90, men 1,950. 

Officers sick 3; men sick 81. 

(Signed) Staniels, 

Captain and Adjutant- General. 

I remain, sir, very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

Edward H. Ripley, 
Formerly Colonel of the 9th regiment, Vermont Volunteers, 

and Brevet-Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers. 

The Second Battle of Manassas. 77 

[From the Times-Dispatch, October 23, 1904.] 


Account of it by One of Jackson's Foot Cavalry. 


[The writer of this sketch, with highly interesting details, was a 
trusty comrade of the editor in " F" Company and a gallant sol- 
dier. He is now a valued citizen of Richmond and bears in halting 
knee the evidence of a severe wound.] — Ed. 

The middle of August, 1862, found Jackson's Corps camped at 
the foot of Clark's mountain, in Orange county. Here he was 
joined by General Lee with Longstreet's Corps. After a few days' 
needed rest, the army broke camp on August 20th, and marched 
in the direction of Pope's army, Jackson's Corps marching over 
Clark's mountain and crossing the Rapidan river at Summerville 
Ford. As Pope had retreated behind the Rappahannock river, we 
made direct for that. After trying several fords along that river 
with the seeming intention of crossing, the morning of the 25th of 
August found our corps near the village of Jeffersonton in Culpeper 
county. Orders were given the men to cook three days' rations 
and be ready to move as soon as possible. A short time after we 
were ordered to fall in, the time was so short that none of the men 
had cooked all, and many none of their rations. This made no 
difference, half baked biscuits and raw dough had to be left, that 
meant to many, nothing to eat for some time, probably for days, as 
the wagons were to remain behind, and everything put in light 
marching order, indicating that something of importance was on 

As soon as the column was formed, we were hurried off on the 
march, passing through the village of Amosville and crossing the 
Rappahannock river at Hinson's mill, thence our march for several 
miles was right through the country, through fields, over ditches 
and fences, and through woods, until we came to a public road, 
this we took, passing through the village of Orlean and marching 
steadily until passing Salem about 8 or 9 o'clock at night, when we 

78 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

are halted in the road, stack arms on its side, and are told we can 
lie down and rest. We marched about twenty-six miles. 

Soon in the morning we were up and on the march again, passing 
through Bull Run Mountain at Thoroughfare Gap, thence through 
Haymarket and Gainesville, not stopping until 10 or n o'clock at 
night, marching about the same distance as the day before, and 
stopping in the road, many of the men now lie down right where 
they stopped, being so completely used up from the march and 
heat, they did not have energy enough to move to the side of the 
road. We were now near Bristow Station, and not far from Manas- 
sas Junction, and far in Pope's rear, "the man that had no rear." 
General Jackson now sends a force ahead to capture Manassas, 
which was done during the night with small loss to us. They cap- 
tured immense quantities of stores of all kinds; several trains of 
cars, eight pieces of artillery, with caisons and horses, etc., com- 
plete, a number of wagons, ambulances, etc. Quite a number ot 
prisoners were taken and several hundred negroes who had been 
persuaded to run away from their owners. 

Early next morning Ewell's division marched in the direction of 
Bristow, the remainder of the corps to Manassas Junction, which 
place Jackson's division reached about 7 or 8 o'clock in the morn- 
ing. The 2nd Brigade was filed by regiments to the right of the 
road in an open field, and stacked arms near the storehouses, and 
ordered to rest, but to remain near their guns. 

Not long after this it was rumored that a force from Washington 
was approaching to drive us away. A. P. Hill's division was sent 
forward to meet them. They soon put the Yanks to rout. They 
consisted of a brigade of infantry with some artillery sent down to 
brush away a small raiding force of Confederates, as they supposed 
us to be. They caught a traitor and nearly all the party were killed, 
wounded or captured. 

A guard was placed over the stores at Manassas as soon as we 
arrived a little while thereafter, rations were issued us, but not by 
weight and measure to each man, but a package or two to each 
company. Here is what was given to old F Company of Rich- 
mond : The first thing they brought us was a barrel of cakes, next 
a bag of hams, barrel of sugar and coffee (the Yankees had it 
mixed, ready for use) bag of beans, bag of potatoes and box of 
hardtack. This was a liberal bill-of-fare, for a small company. 

General Jackson's idea in the early part of the day was to save 
what supplies he did not use for General Lee's army, and it was for 

The Second Battle of Manassas. 79 

this reason the guard was placed over them. The enemy were now 
making such demonstations that he knew he could not hold the place, 
so the houses were thrown open and the men told to help them- 
selves. Now ensued a scene around those storehouses never wit- 
nessed before, and cannot be described. You recollect that many 
of our men were hurried off on the march on the morning- of the 
25th, with nothing to eat. It is now the 27th. We have marched 
in that time about sixty miles and the men who had prepared some 
rations did not have enough for two days, much less three, after 
dividing with such comrades as had none; everything had been 
eaten. Now here were vast storehouses filled with all the delicacies, 
potted ham, lobster, tongue, candy, cakes, nuts, oranges, lemons, 
pickle, catsup, mustard, &c. It makes an old soldier's mouth 
water now just to think of the good things got there. Well, 
what do you think they did? Go to eating? Oh, no. They had 
to discuss what they should eat, and what they should take with 
them, as orders had been issued for us to take four days' rations 
with us. Some filled their haversacks with cakes, some with candy, 
others with oranges, lemons, canned goods, &c. I know one that 
took nothing but French mustard; filled his haversack and was so 
greedy that he put one more bottle in his pocket. This was all his 
four days' rations. It turned out to be the best thing taken, as he 
traded it for meat and bread, it lasting him until reaching Frederick 

All good times have an end, and as night approaches, prepara- 
tions were made to burn everything that we could not carry; not 
long after sundown they were fired, our division marching as soon 
as the fire got under way, the other two divisions taking each a dif- 
ferent road. This march by three different roads is what mystified 
Pope so much, and caused his delay in his pursuit of Jackson. 
Jackson's old division marched several hours when the 2d Brigade 
was ordered on a road to the left of the one we were marching on, 
and put on picket duty; when it becomes day we find we are on 
the Warrenton and Alexandria pike and near Groveton. 

There was only one field officer in our brigade at that time, a major 
commanding the 1st Battalion; the 48th Virginia was commanded by 
a lieutenant; the 42nd Virginia by a captain, and the 21st Virginia 
by a captain. General Jackson assigned Colonel Bradley T. John- 
son temporarily to command it. The 2nd Brigade (ours) remained 
about Groveton until late in the evening. Colonel Johnson had or- 
ders to demonstrate and make the biggest show he could, so as to 

80 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

delay the enemy as long as possible from any advance in this 
direction, and well did he do this. At one time he would have one 
regiment on top of a hill; its colors under the next hill, just high 
enough to show over its top; a regiment with its colors on the next, 
&c, thus making it appear a long line of battle. We had two 
pieces of artillery; as one body of the enemy was seen, one or both 
pieces would be run in sight and as the enemy moved, he would 
limber the cannon up and carry it to some far hill, to go through 
the same movement. 


Early in the morning, while the 21st Virginia regiment was on 
one of those hills, lying down in line, the enemy ran a cannon out 
on a hill, unlimbered and fired a shot at us, hitting one of the men 
of Company K, tearing off the heel of his shoe. This was the first 
cannon shot from either side at Second Manassas and the only one 
fired at that time, as the piece limbered up and withdrew in a trot. 
This same regiment soon after were deployed as skirmishers and 
posted across the Warrenton Pike, when a Yankee artilleryman 
rode into our line, thinking it his. This was the first prisoner taken. 

The inmates of the Groveton house now abandoned it. A lady, 
bareheaded, and her servant woman came running out of the front 
door. They had a little girl between them, each having her by 
one of her hands. The child was crying loudly. They crossed the 
pike, got over the fence and went directly south through the fields 
and were soon lost to sight. In their excitement and hurry, they 
did not close the door to their deserted home. 

The Yankee wagon train was now seen on a road south of us on its 
way to Washington. The two pieces of artillery were run out and 
commence to fire at them, causing a big stampede. It was now about 
11 or 12 o'clock, and we retired to a wood north of the pike, formed 
the brigade in line of battle, stacked arms and laid down in peace. 

None of the men of the Second brigade had seen or neard any- 
thing of the balance of our corps, and we had no idea where they 
were, and, singularly, old Jack had not made his accustomed pres- 
ence along the front. The artillery fire did not even bring him. 
The men were much puzzled and mystified by this. Colonel John- 
son now sent to the 21st Virginia regiment for a lieutenant and six 
men to report to him at once, armed. One of the men was to come 
from F Company and was designated by name. On reporting, 
they were ordered to drive a body of Yanks away from a house in 

The Second Battle of Manassas. 81 

sight. This they did in quick order, although they had to cross an 
open field and get over three fences before reaching the house. 
We stayed at the house a short time, when, finding we were about to 
be cut off, we retired to the brigade under a fusilade of shots. This 
was the first musket fire of Second Manassas, and you may say that 
the battle had commenced, as the enemy were to be seen in several 
directions in our front. The officer, on getting back to Colonel 
Johnson, made his report, when the Colonel retained the man from 
F Company, and ordered him to go to the front as far as possible 
without being seen by the enemy and keep a lookout for them, 
reporting to him any body of the enemy seen approaching, and. 
in order to get along the better, to leave his arms. That man 
crept to the front, getting behind a brush on a slight rise. Here 
he laid down for several hours, observing during the time the 
movements of several small bodies of the enemy, mostly cavalry, 
While lying down behind that brush an incident happened that 
has always bothered that man. He heard the quick step of a horse 
to his right and rear. On looking round he saw a horseman in full 
gallop, coming from the north and going along a small country road 
that joined the Warrenton pike at the Groveton house. On get- 
ting to a gap in the fence along the road, he wheeled his horse, 
passed through the gap, and made directly for the man lying down. 
It was done in such a deliberate way that it impressed the vidette 
that his presence was known before the horseman came along the 
road. He did not draw rein until getting almost on the vidette. 
He then asked if he knew where General Jackson was. On being 
told that he did not, he wheeled his horse and rode back to the gap, 
turned into the road, and was off at full gallop toward the Groveton 
house. That man was riding a black mare, and wore a long linen 
duster and dark pants. There was something so suspicious about 
his movements and dress that the vidette would have taken him to 
Colonel Johnson if he had had his gun. There was a squad of 
Yankees at the Groveton house, and when the rider reached there 
several of them ran from the front of the house and surrounded 
him, when he got off the horse and went with them to the front, 
while one of their number led the horse into the back yard and tied 
him. This was hardly done before a body of our cavalry charged 
up the Warrenton pike and grabbed the party. The vidette had 
seen that party coming along the pike a few minutes before, and 
could have warned the man riding the horse of the Yankees' pres- 
ence, but a distrust came over him as soon as he saw him. 

82 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

About 4 o'clock in the afternoon the vidette was startled by a 
long line of skirmishers stepping out of the woods in his front and 
advancing; jumping to his feet he made for Colonel Johnson. He 
had got only a short distance when he saw their line of battle 
following. Now, that fellow just dusted, made his report to Colonel 
J., who at once called the line to attention; the command was 
given, " right, face; double quick, march," and away we went north, 
through the woods. All of us were wondering what had become of 
old Jack. When we got through the woods he was the first man 
we saw, and looking beyond we could see that his command was 
massed in a large field; arms stacked, batteries parked and every- 
thing resting. Colonel Johnson rode up to General Jackson, made 
his report, when General Jackson turned to his staff, gave each an 
order, and in a moment the field was a perfect hubbub — men riding 
in all directions, infantry getting to arms, cannoneers to their guns, 
and the drivers mounting. But you could see the master-hand now, 
even while I am telling this you could hear the sharp command of an 
officer, "right face; forward, march," and a body of skirmishers 
marched out of that confused mass right up to old Jack, when the 
officer gave the command to "file right," and the next instant to 
deploy, and the movement was done in a twinkle, and forward they 
went to meet the enemy; General Jackson had waited to see this; he 
then turned to Colonel Johnson, and told him to let his men stack 
arms and rest, as they had been on duty since the day before; he 
would not call on them if he could do without them, and off he went 
with the advance skirmishers. Another body of skirmishers had 
in the meantime marched out and filed to the left and gone for- 
ward, a column of infantry was unwinding itself out of that mass 
and marching up to the same point as the skirmishers had, filed 
to right, fronted and went forward; another was now filing to the 
left, while the third column moved straight ahead. Some of the 
artillery followed each column of infantry. This was the most per- 
fect movement of troops I saw during the war, and now the crack 
of musket and the bang of artillery told us that the lines had met; 
the fire in a few minutes was terrific. 

An officer soon came for the 2nd Brigade, to report on the 
extreme left of Jackson's line. On getting there, the entire brigade 
was formed as skirmishers and ordered forward, and after getting a 
certain distance were halted and ordered to lie down. We staid 
there all night, sleeping on arms. The enemy did not appear in our 
front, but the right had a hard fight, in which the enemy were de- 

The Second Batik of Manassas. 83 

feated and retreated during the night. Brigadier-General Taliaferro, 
commanded Jackson's division, and Major- General Ewell, being 
amongst the wounded. 

The next morning the 2nd Brigade were marched to the right of 
Jackson's line on top of a large hill, where there were several pieces 
of artillery. We stayed there about an hour and were shelled se- 
verely by the enemy, who had made their appearance from another 
direction from that of the evening before. 

Jackson now took position behind an unfinished railroad which 
ran parallel to and north of the Warrenton pike and I suppose 
about a mile from it. Jackson's division was on the right, Ewell's 
next and A. P. Hill's on the left. The 2nd Brigade was marched 
from the hill to the left about half a mile, where we formed a line of 
battle in two lines, in a wood and near its edge, facing south. In 
our front was a narrow neck of open land, say two hundred to three 
hundred yards wide; on the west the woods ran along this field 
about three hundred yards, where it widened into a large field; a 
short distance around the wood is the hill we were on soon in the 
morning. Jackson now had several batteries of artillery on it. On 
the east of the neck of land, the wood ran along the field for, say 
seven hundred yards, when it widened out into the same large field. 
About two hundred yards in our front is a part of the abandoned 
railroad, running across the open neck from the woods on the east 
to near that on the west. The eastern end runs in a bottom where 
there was a bank for say, seventy-five yards, when it reached a hill; 
through this hill was a cut, that runs out on level ground just before 
it reaches the west wood. You will now see that in front of the 
railroad at this point is a short strip of wood to the right (west) and 
a long strip on the left (east) where at both points the neck of the 
cleared land unites with a large open field that runs east and west 
and at its far side is the Warrenton pike. 

Our skirmishers were placed at the railroad. We were ordered 
to lie down in place, with guns in hand and were directed to rush 
for the railroad as soon as an order to forward was given. 

Colonel Johnson now came along the line, stopped about ten 
yards in front of F Company, took out his pipe, filled it and struck 
a light, then quietly sat on the ground and leaned back against 
a small sapling. 

Everything with us was perfectly quiet. This did not last long. 
The stillness in our front was broken by a bang, and almost at the 
same instant a shell went crashing through the trees overhead; this 

84 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

was a signal for a severe shelling of our woods; a man was soon 
wounded; Col. Johnson immediately got up and went to him and sent 
him to the rear, stopped long enough to talk to the men around him, 
and quiet their uneasiness, when he came back and resumed his seat. 
This was repeated several times. The enemy now advanced and 
engaged our skirmishers at the railroad, some of the balls aimed 
at them occasionally reached our line and some of the men were 
wounded. Colonel Johnson invited several of the men, who were 
becoming uneasy, to come and sit by him; he now had about a 
dozen around him, laughing and talking. Our skirmishers were 
then being driven back to the line of battle by the enemy and soon 
to the line, and the enemy was some distance on our side of the 
railroad. The brigade was then called to attention. Instantly they 
were on their feet, and when the order to forward was given, it 
found them rushing to the front. On reaching the field we emp- 
tied our guns into the enemy and made for them with empty guns. 
They turned and ran, leaving many dead and wounded on our side 
of the railroad. In approaching these men lying on the ground, 
about one hundred yards from us, I noticed one of them, who was 
lying on his back, gesticulating with his hands, raising them up, 
moving them violently backward and forward; I think he was try- 
ing to call our attention so that we would not injure him in our 
advance. On reaching him I recognized from his straps that he 
was a Yankee captain, and one of our captains running on my left 
said he was making the Masonic sign of distress. On getting to 
the railroad the 21st Virginia Regiment occupied the bank, and the 
remainder of the brigade the cut to our right. We loaded and 
fired at the retreating enemy and soon had the field cleared. 

In anticipation of the attack being renewed by the enemy, we 
remained at the railroad, and we did not have long to wait before 
the announcement of "here they come," was heard. A line of 
battle marched out of the far end of the woods on our left, into our 
field, halted, dressed their line, and moved forward. Tney were al- 
lowed to come to about one hundred yards of us, when we opened 
fire. You could see them stagger, then halt, stand a short time, 
then break and run. By this time another line made its appear- 
ance, coming from the same point. This line came a little nearer 
us when they, too, broke and ran. Then came another line — they 
came nearer when they broke and ran. It then seemed as if the 
whole field was full of Yankees and some of them advanced nearly 

The Second Battle of Manassas. 85 

to the railroad, when we went over the bank at them, the remain- 
der of the brigade following our example. 

The enemy now broke and ran and we pursued, firing as fast as 
we could. We followed them into the woods and drove them out 
on the other side, when we were halted and ordered back to the 

We captured two pieces of artillery in the woods and carried 
them back with us. In going back, a Yankee battery of eight guns 
had full play on us in the field and our line became a little confused. 
We were halted; every man on the instant turned and faced the 
battery. Just as we did I heard a thud on my right like some one 
had been struck with a heavy fist. On looking around I saw a man 
at my side standing erect with his head off; a stream of blood 
squirting a foot or more from his neck. By the time I turned 
around, I saw three others lying on the ground, all killed by the 
same cannon shot. The man standing was a captain in the 42nd 
Virginia Regiment, and his brains and blood bespattered the face 
and clothing of one of my company, who was standing in my rear. 
This was the second time I saw four men killed by the same shot 
during the war — the other time being at Cedar Run a few weeks 
before — each time the shot struck as it was descending. The first 
jnan had his head taken off, the next was shot through the breast, 
the next through the stomach, and the fourth had his bowels torn 

We now went back to our position in the woods, formed our 
old line of battle in two lines and laid down as before. We had 
hardly got fixed when our attention was called to a line of battle 
filing into line in our front, but nearly at right angles to us. What 
did this mean? Were the enemy making preparations to storm us 
again ? General Starke, our Division Commander, then arrived. 
His attention was called to the line. He took his glass, and after 
a careful survey called a courier and directed him to go to the right 
around the hill in our front and find out who they were. The Yan- 
kees were shelling our woods heavily, but the excitement was so 
great that the men who had orders to lie down for protection were 
all standing up watching the line form, which grew longer each 
moment. Our courier, after a short stay, was seen coming as fast 
as his horse could run, and before he reached General Starke cried 
out, " it is Long-street." A great shout that Longstreet had come 
was taken up by the men all down the line. The courier then told 
Gen. Starke that the man sitting on a stump, whom we had noticed 

86 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

before was General Lee, and that Longstreet said he had got up 
in time to witness our charge, which he said was splendid. 

This put new life into Jackson's men, as they had heard nothing of 
Longstreet. They knew that Pope with his large army would put 
forth all the energy he could to greatly damage us, but everything 
was changed then. We only wished him to renew the attack but 
were afraid he would not, after his repulse of the morning and 
the presence of Longstreet. He did attack A. P. Hill's division 
on the left of Jackson's line in the afternoon, and met with the same 
repulse as we had given him. A part of Longstreet' s command 
became heavily engaged, also. This ended the second day's fight- 
ing and the Second brigade were jubilant over their share of Second 
Manassas. We slept in peace during the night. 

The cannonading commenced early on the morning of the 30th, 
with skirmishing in the front that at times became active. About 
noon in anticipation of an atiack, the 2nd Brigade was moved to 
the railroad, taking position as on the day before. About 2 or 3 
o'clock we heard on our right the exclamation of: "Here they 
come !' ' And almost instantly we saw a column of the enemy marched 
into the field from the same point they did the day before, dress 
the line and then advance on us. Every man in our line shifted 
his cartridge box to the front, unfastened it and his cap box, gave, 
his gun a second look over and took his position to meet the 
coming enemy who were rapidly approaching. We allowed them 
to come about the same distance as the day before and then opened, 
with about the same result. Another line took its place, we con- 
tinued firing. Other lines advanced, each getting nearer us. The 
field was then filled with Yankees as on the day before, but in much 
greater numbers. Their advance continued. Every man in the 
2nd Brigade at this moment remembered Cedar Run, each one 
loaded his gun with care, raised it deliberately to his shoulder, 
took deadly aim and pulled the trigger. We were fighting then 
as I never saw before. We were behind the railroad bank and in 
the cut, which made a splendid breastwork. The enemy crowded 
in the field; their men were falling fast, as we could plainly see. 
Our ammunition was failing, men were taking it from the boxes of 
dead and wounded comrades. The advance of the enemy continued. 
By this time they were at the bank; they were mounting it. Our 
men mounted, too; some with bayonets fixed, some with large 
rocks in their hands. (Some of the enemy were killed with these 
rocks. Colonel Johnson mentioned it in his official report.) 

The Second Battle of Manassas. 87 

A short struggle on top of the bank and in front of the cut and 
the battle was won. The enemy were running, and then went up that 
yell that only Confederates could make. Some men, wild with 
excitement, hats off, and some went up into the air. It was right 
here that Lieutenant Rawlings, commanding F Company, was 
killed, his hat in one hand, his sword in the other, cheering his men 
to victory. Pie was struck in the head by a rifle ball and fell 

After the flying enemy we went, through the field in our front to 
the woods on the left; through that into the next field, where we 
could see our line advancing in all directions. Our artillery fired 
over our heads, some following in the pursuit, and on nearing a 
hill would run up on that, unlimber and fire rapidly through inter- 
vals in our advancing line — thousands of muskets firing, the men 
giving the old yell, the enemy in full retreat, and we right after 
them. It was one of the inspiring scenes whose actors will never 
forget and which makes a soldier at once of a recruit. 

We kept up the pursuit until eight or nine o'clock in the night, 
when we were halted and allowed to rest until morning. And the 
man with " headquarters in the saddle" and who had " no rear " 
was taught the second lesson at Jackson's tactics. He wished then 
he had a rear, and he was putting forth all his efforts to find Wash- 
ington with its fortifications, which was forty-five to fifty miles in his 
rear when we commenced our movement. 


Pope's army numbered over 70,000; his loss was over 20,000 and 
thirty pieces of artillery. 

Lee's numbered about 50,000; his loss was 8,000. 

The loss in our brigade was small. Amongst the killed was Lieu- 
tenant Edward G. Rawlings, commanding F. Company. He was 
as good a soldier as the war produced, a magnificent specimen of 
manhood , tall and erect, over six feet in his stockings, weighing about 
two hundred pounds, with endurance in proportion to his size. I 
have often heard him say he could march forever if his feet would 
keep from getting sore. He was kind, gentle and always at his post 
and in the performance of his duty. 

To Jackson falls the chief honor of Second Manassas, as it did in 
the first battle, and the position held by the 2d Brigade was one of 
the points the enemy ma'de their most desperate and repeated as- 

88 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

saults, in all of which they were repulsed with great loss. I saw 
more of their dead lying on the ground in our front than I ever 
saw in the same space during the war. 

One of my company wrote home that " he was shot all to pieces," 
had twenty-seven holes shot through his blanket. In his next letter 
he explained that his blanket was folded and one shot going through 
it, made the twenty-seven holes. 

It was the unanimous sentiment of the 2d Brigade that they were 
never handled as well before as they were by Col. Bradley T. Johnson, 
during this battle, ?nd the balance of the time he was with us. His 
personal interest in the men went right to their hearts, and they 
showed their appreciation by obeying every order with cheerfulness 
and alacrity, and these circumstances made him a Brigadier-General. 

Here is an extract from a letter written to the Secretary of War 
by Lieutenant-General Jackson, in which he thus mentions Colonel 
Johnson and the 2d Brigade at Second Manassas: 

"The heroism with which the brigade fought, and its success in 
battle, but brightened my opinion of its commander." 

John H. Worsham, 
F Company, 21st Virginia Regiment Infantry, 2d Brigade, 

Jackson's Division, 2d Corps, A. N. Va. 

Sheridan's Bummers. . 89 

[Fr^m the Times-Dispatch, September 4, 1904.] 


Some Recollections of the War in the Great Shenandoah 



How the Soulless Raiders Devastated Fertile Lands and Smashed 
Things Generally. 

Shenandoah, in the Indian tongue, signifies " Daughters of the 
Stars." The untutored saw its sparkling waters come trickling 
down the side of mountains that reared their lofty heads up towards 
the stars; and he saw these same stars mirrored in the crystal 
depths of the stream as it flowed in its channel below, hence was 
born the poetic name given to this river and its beautiful valley. 

How the Southern soldier loved the dear old valley of Virginia! 
He loved its varied landscape, its fields of red clover and golden 
wheat, its bending orchards, its cool springs, its crystal streams, its 
genial, hospitable people, and last, but not least, he loved its rosy- 
cheeked, bright-eyed girls. 

And, when that cruel war was over, many a fair flower was trans- 
planted from Virginia soil to bloom amid the myrtle trees of the 
Sunny South. If a hungry Southern soldier knocked at a door, it 
opened wide for his reception, and the last crust would be divided 
with him. 

Especially was this valley dear to our brigade — the Old Stone- 
wall — for here were the homes of our fathers, mothers, sisters and 
sweethearts. Our boys were never in better spirits when ordered 
from the piney woods and lowlands of eastern Virginia, back to the 
Shenandoah. In the retreat of the ten thousand, the Greeks from 
the hilltops cried out, " the sea, the sea!" So, when we reached 
the top of the Blue Ridge and saw the goodly land smiling below, 
shouts of "the valley, the valley!" made the mountain gorges 
ring, the bands played stirring airs, and every one kept step to the 

On the 9th of September, 1864, the Stonewall Brigade was en- 

90 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

camped near the town of Winchester, in the Shenandoah Valley. 
The people of this town were intensely loyal to the Southern cause. 
Time and again had both armies marched through her streets, the 
one cheered, but she scowled on the other from behind closed 
blinds. At this time Sheridan was pressing Early back from the 
Potomac. The Federal army was 45,000 strong, and the Confed- 
erate about 10,000. Sheridan was advancing with a bolder front, 
having heard that part of Early's force had gone to re-enforce Lee. 
He had a large body of cavalry, splendidly equipped. However, 
he came on very cautiously and slowly, beating the brush, as it 
were, to uncover "masked batteries," and find hidden lines of 
brave Johnnies. After a few days of marching and counter-march- 
ing, of watching and waiting for the foe, there seemed to be a lull 
in the storm. 

Then the thoughts of our younger soldiers turned from war's 
alarm to the more peaceful homes in the dear old town; Romeo 
had his Juliet there. We remember with the greatest pleasure how 
the parlors were thrown open to us, how we were invited to their 
tables, how the girls sang "Dixie" and "My Maryland" for us, 
and those delightful moonlight promenades, all made life so pleasant 
there ! 

There was to be a grand party at one of the old aristocratic man- 
sions, and the society element in our camp were all aglee. Such 
rubbing and scrubbing, sewing and shining, borrowing and lending 
were only seen on such occasions. Major Bennett, of our regi- 
ment — the Fourth Virginia Infantry — and I, were comrades for the 
evening. The rooms were rilled and the dear girls looked so sweet; 
many of them in calico dresses, yet made in an artistic way. The 
Major was in a devotional spirit towards a black-eyed widow, who 
charmed every one with her spicy conversation. I forgot there was 
war in the land as Miss Bonnie Eloise smiled graciously upon me, 
when I whispered to her that she was ten times sweeter than the 
rose she wore in her bonnie brown hair. 

" The lamps shone o'er fair women and brave men; 
Then all hearts beat happily; and when 
Music with its voluptuous swell, 
Soft eyes looked love to eyes which spake again, 
And went merry as a marriage bell; 
The clock in the hall struck ten." 

Sheridan's Bummers. 91 

A courier dashed up to the gate, and the message came in, "Pre- 
pare to move in an hour's time !" The music ceased, the merry 
voices were low, and the farewells were hastily spoken. As we 
hastened away from the gate, the Major said: "Confound the Yan- 
kees. I wish they'd behave themselves and let us have a little fun." 
I replied: "Just to think of the nice cream and cake we've missed ! 
I could kill a thousand of them !" Judging from the muttering 
along the road to camp the Federals were consigned to lower and 
warmer regions, especially for breaking up the party. 

The camp was all astir, soon the order rang out, " Fall in," and 
we filed out of the beautiful grove. Woe unto the Yankee that had 
fallen into our hands that night, for there was fire in our hearts and 
we thirsted for his blood. In the morning the enemy was located 
and after some skirmishing, his advanced posts fell back. He was 
not quite ready for battle yet. Several days were spent in watch- 
ing each other's movements. At dawn in the morning of the 17th 
of September the boom of a cannon and the rattle of musketry in 
our front told us that the enemy were in earnest. (By way of expla- 
nation let me say : Having been severely wounded at Chancellors- 
ville, I was detailed as Commissary of our regiment. So, I gener- 
ally saw the fighting from a point, where distance lent enchantment 
to the view.) 

Gradually the enemy forced our skirmish line back on the main 
body. About two miles from it Early decided to make a stand, his 
centre resting on the Berryville pike. The gallant Gordon was in 
command of Jackson's old division, and held the right of the pike. 
I think Generals Rodes and Robert D. Lilley held the left of our 
line. By 9 A. M. the battle was raging along the whole line. The 
heavy blue lines were repulsed time and again. Never before, in 
the history of the war, did our boys fight with such courage and 
desperation. They knew what was at stake, even the hospitable 
town and the dear old valley itself. By gradually flanking our 
right, the enemy began forcing our line back. Rhoades had fallen, 
and Lilley was left badly wounded on the field. But our men, like 
lions at bay, came back stubbornly. At length the Federal line 
halted, deeming it wise to measure well the ground in front before 
venturing too far. Imboden's cavalry covered our left wing on the 
valley pike. About 3 P. M. we heard a great shout from that 
point, and climbing an eminence I saw the charge of Sheridan's 
troopers. It was a splendid sight. In a front line of half a mile 
they swept on, their sabres flashing in the sunlight, and their fine 

92 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

horses clearing" the stone fences in their way. I heard a captured 
trooper say that whiskey had been issued to them to make them 
fearless. Imboden's cavalry did not wait to clash swords with their 
cousins in blue, but made a gallant charge to the rear. It reminded 
me of the charge of the Mamelukes of the battle of the Pyramids, 
when some of those splendid Arabian steeds leaped over the wall 
of the bayonets into the hollow square of the French army. The 
troopers were checked only by the forts guarding the approach of 
the town. Some even dashed by them and rode into the very 

Our wounded, who were gotten off the field, were tenderly cared 
for by the citizens of Winchester. As our battle-stained, smoke- 
begrimed soldiers marched through the town, women wept, and old 
men bowed their heads in sorrow. That evening as the sun went 
down, I stood on the hill, north of town, and looking to the east I 
saw the Federal line some two miles long moving forward as if to 
encircle in its folds the doomed town. To the west I could see our 
flags drooping in retreat, and hear the rumbling of trains and artil- 
lery on the stony pike. With a sad heart and weary step, mutter- 
ing to myself: "Farewell, dear old Winchester!" "Good-bye, 
sweet Bonnie Eloise!" I joined the retreating, but still defiant 

Mrs. General Gordon was in Winchester at this time. About 
noon, when the battle was at its height, and they were pressing our 
centre back, she heard that the General had been killed. Accom- 
panied by a young solder, and on foot, she started down the Berry- 
ville pike to find her husband. The road was crowded with wounded 
and stragglers hastening to the town. A battery of the enemy was 
throwing shells along the road, bursting and scattering destruction 
on every side. I saw her myself, in the face of all this, walking 
right on calmly and courageously facing death for the sake of one 
she so loved ! To me it was the sublimest exhibition of female 
courage and devotion that I had ever heard or read of. just then 
one of the General's staff, dashing along, saw her and told her it 
was General Rodes who was killed and that General Gordon was 
safe. Pausing for a moment, her lips moving as if in prayer, she 
turned, and with the same steady step came back to the town. 
Around her men were running and dodging, pale and trembling 
with fear. Noble woman, to have passed so bravely through such 
an ordeal, and what a lesson she taught those men. 

Sheridan's Bummers. 98 

The old Valley suffered much and long- during the war. She was 
the battle ground for the contending armies. Her rich lands helped 
to feed the Confederates and her splendid barns were warehouses to 
supply forage. 

Sheridan, acting under Grant's order, determined to desolate this 
fair section, so that in the language of the instructions, "a crow 
could not fly from one end to the other without carrying his rations. ' ' 
And right well did he carry out Grant's order. Several hundred of 
those new barns were burned with all they contained. On three 
roads the barnburners went, and, by day, the smoke, like a funeral 
pall, hung overhead, and by night the lurid flames lit up the whole 
country. And these fiends were mercenary in their hellish work. 
Dividing into two parties, one would go before and ask the owner 
what he would give them not to burn his barn. Grasping at a 
straw, and not thinking of treachery, he would bring forth hidden 
treasure of gold and silver, and sometimes as high as $300 to save 
his property. This party, having bled the owner, galloped on and 
then came party number two. They applied the match, and rode 
on to share the ill-gotten gains. 

When the fires of Chambersburg painted the sky red, then were 
the barns of the Shenandoah avenged. 

Finally, peace again smiled on the stricken Valley. Ruined 
homes were soon rebuilt, the barns went up as if by magic, the 
stout fences were repaired, and every trace of war vanished. And 
the stranger as he now sees it in its fruitfulness and beauty is re- 
minded of the lines of the poet : 

" A land of fading herds and fruitful fields, 
All joys that peace and plenty yield; 
Earth's sweetest flowers here shed perfume, 
And here earth's fairest maidens bloom." 

Alex. S. Paxton. 

94 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[ From the Times-Dispatch May 29, 1904.J 


Wounded by His Own Men — Last Order on the 

The writer of the following article served under Robert E. Lee 
and Stonewall Jackson in the war between the States. He says: 

"General Lee's army was located on the south side of the Rap- 
pahannock river, near Fredericksburg, Va. , in the winter of 1863. 
General Hooker's army was on the opposite side, and in the early 
spring crossed the Rappahannock. On the morning of May 2, 
1863, General Stonewall Jackson received orders from General Lee 
to attack Hooker's rear, and forthwith Jackson put his corps in 
rapid marching order. About 5 P. M. Jackson had reached the 
desired location in the rear of Hooker's army and at once gave or- 
ders to attack the enemy. The movement of the Confederates was 
so sudden and terrific that the Federal troops were routed in the 
utmost confusion. The Confederates continued to advance until 
about 9 P. M. Jackson had paralyzed the right wing of Hooker's 
army and his men were stampeded in much disorder upon the cen- 
ter of Hooker's reserves. But the thick undergrowth rendered 
rapid pursuit almost impossible at night. At this hour the Confed- 
erate lines became somewhat entangled, in consequence of darkness 
and thick undergrowth, and it was necessary to halt the Confeder- 
ate force in order to reform the regiments. To complete the victory 
Jackson was about to swing his left, interpose his corps between 
Hooker's army and the Rappahannock river, and then cut off the 
retreat of the enemy. 

At this critical moment, accompanied by Captain R. E. Wil- 
bourn, Captain William Randolph, with a half dozen couriers and 
two men of the signal corps, Jackson rode forward to determine 
the exact location of the enemy. Hooker's army was within 300 
yards and no picketts had been established between the opposing 
forces. Such was Jackson's ardor at this crisis of the battle that he 
continued his way without thought of personal danger. One of his 
staff officers, realizing the peril to which the general was exposed, 
ventured to remark: 

Stonewall Jackson's Death. 95 

" General, don't you think this is the wrong place for you ? " 

" The danger is all over," replied General Jackson, " the enemy 
is routed. Go back and tell A. P. Hill to press forward." 

Then Jackson continued forward and had advanced about ioo 
yards beyond his line when suddenly a volley was fired by his own 
men, and apparently aimed at him and his staff. 

Jackson received three wounds, two balls entering the left arm, 
severing the artery, and one the right arm. All his escort excepting 
Captain Wilbourn and Mr. Wynn, of the signal corps, were killed 
or wounded. The firing ceased as suddenly as it had begun. Cap- 
tain Wilbourn, standing near Jackson, said: 

" General, they must certainly be our men," to which he assented 
with a nod, but said nothing. 

He looked toward his lines with apparent astonishment, as if un- 
able to realize that he could have been fired at by his own troops. 
He was taken from his horse, and soon General A. P. Hill rode up 
and expressed his regret. 

The enemy was not more than one hundred yards distant, and it 
was necessary to remove Jackson, as the battle was likely to be re- 
newed at any moment. He was carried to the rear with much diffi- 
culty through the undergrowth. 

General Pender recognized General Jackson as he was being 
carried through the lines, and said: 

" Oh, General; I am sorry to see you wounded ! My force is so 
much shattered that I fear I will have to fall back." 

Although much exhausted by loss of blood, General Jackson 
raised his drooping head and exclaimed: 

"You must hold your ground, sir! You must hold your 
ground !" 

This was Jackson's last order on the battlefield. He was then 
placed in an ambulance and taken to the field hospital at Wilder- 
ness run. He lost a great quantity of blood and would have bled 
to death, but a tourniquet was forthwith applied. 

He was asked if amputation was necessary should it be done at 
once. He replied: 

"Yes; certainly, Dr. McGuire; do for me whatever you think 

The operation was performed under the influence of chloroform. 
The wounded soldier bore it well. He slept well Sunday morning 
and was cheerful. He sent for Mrs. Jackson and asked minutely 
about the battle, saying: 

96 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

* * If I had not been wounded or had one hour more of daylight, 
I would have cut off the enemy from the road to the United States 
ford and we could have had them entirely surrounded. Then they 
would have been obliged to surrender or cut their way out; they had 
no other alternative. My troops sometimes failed to drive the ene- 
my from a position, but the enemy always fails to drive my men 
from a position. 

This was said with a smile. 

Monday he was removed to Chancellor's House. He was cheer- 
ful. He spoke of the gallant bearing of General Rodes and of 
the heroic charge of the old Stonewall Brigade. He made inquir- 
ies concerning many officers and said : 

"The men who live through this war will be proud to say, ' I 
was one of the Stonewall Brigade,' to their children." 

He insisted that the term " Stonewall' 1 belonged to the brigade 
and not to him. 

Tuesday his wounds were improving. He asked Dr. McGuire : 

" Can you tell me from the appearance of the wounds, how long 
I will be kept from the field?" 

When told he was doing remarkably well, he was much pleased. 

Wednesday night, however, while his surgeon who had not slept 
several nights previous, was asleep, General Jackson complained of 
nausea, and ordered his nurse to place a wet towel over his stomach. 
This was done, and about daylight the surgeon was awakened by 
the nurse, who said that the General was suffering with pain in the 
right side, due to incipient pneumonia. 

Thursday Mrs. Jackson arrived, greatly to the joy of the Gen- 
eral, and she faithfully nursed him to the end. In the evening all 
pain vanished, but he suffered much from prostration. 

Friday morning the pain had not returned, but the prostration 
was increased. Saturday there was no change in his condition. 

Sunday morning, when it was apparent that he was sinking 
rapidly, Mrs. Jackson was informed of his condition, and she 
imparted the knowledge to the General. He said : 

" Very good, very good, it is all right." 

He had previously declared that he considered "these wounds a 
blessing." He sent messages to all the generals, and expressed a 
desire to be buried a.t Lexington, Va. 

About 3:30 o'clock, May 10, 1863, Stonewall Jackson passed 
over the river of rest. His military achievements are without par- 
allel in history. 

Stonewall Jackson's Death. 97 

To General Jackson's note informing General Lee that he was 
wounded, the latter replied : 

" I cannot express my regret at the sad occurrence. Could I 
have directed events, I should have chosen for the good of my 
country to have been disabled in your stead. I congratulate you 
on the victory which was due to your skill and energy." 

It was on receiving this letter that Jackson exclaimed : 

" Better that ten Jacksons should fall than General Lee!" 

He had unbounded confidence in General Lee's eminent ability. 

The Stonewall Brigade was composed of men from the Valley. 
The 4th Virginia Regiment was from the southern part of the Val- 
ley — Greenbrier and adjoining counties— and was commanded by 
Colonel Preston. The 2nd Virginia Regiment was from the lower 
valley— Jefferson, Berkeley and Frederick counties. Colonel Allen 
was the commander. The 5th Virginia Regiment was from 
Augusta county, excepting Captain Stover Funk's company, from 
Winchester, Colonel Harper commanding. The 27th Virginia 
Regiment, of Rockbridge and adjoining counties, was commanded 
by Colonel Echols. The 33d Virginia Regiment, most of the mem- 
bers of which were from Shenandoah county, was commanded by 
Col. A. C. Cummings. These were the original commanders of 
the regiments composing the Stonewall Brigade, but in the storms 
of battle they were soon numbered among the dead and their suc- 
cessors met a similar fate. 

General Jackson was the incarnation of a Christian soldier. His 
sublime faith in God dominated all else. Duty was his guiding 
star, and he personally attended to all the possible details of a great 
battle. Generally he was in front, leading his legions, with his 
hand pointing to heaven, his lips moving as if supplicating guid- 
ance from the Supreme Ruler. 

In my mind's eye, I see him astride " old sorrel," and now and 
then giving the terse command, his forefinger pointing towards 
heaven and his lips quivering : 

" Push forward, men! Push forward!" 

He was devoted to his men and always gave them generous praise 
for heroism. He was a strict disciplinarian, and would not tolerate 
disobedience of orders by any one. 

General Jackson's campaign in the Shenandoah Valley in the 
spring of 1862 was a series of brilliant victories, which has no equal 
in war. Within a period of five weeks he defeated General Fre- 
mont, at the battle of McDowell; General Banks, near Winchester; 

98 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

General Shields, at Port Republic, and General Fremont again, at 
Cross Keys. 

In each battle Jackson's opponent had double the force he com- 
manded. The design of the Union generals was to concentrate 
their forces and crush Jackson by their overwhelming numbers, but 
Jackson's superior strategy of keeping them separated, retreating 
and advancing at will, and attacking them in detail at places which 
he desired, proved that he was a great master of the art of war. 
His men were inspired by the motive of self-defence and self-preser- 
vation — the first laws of nature. 

After Jackson had driven the Federal forces from the Shenandoah 
Valley he joined General Lee at Richmond, and fell upon the right 
wing of General McClellan's army. Victory after victory crowned 
the Confederate banners for two years. But the magnificent army 
that defeated McClellan in 1862 was gradually lessened by bullet and 
disease, and when the surrender came it was a mere skeleton in 
numbers. Attrition did the work. 

After the battle of the First Manassas General Jackson advanced, 
getting together all the available men of the South to invade the 
North. He argued that the North had unlimited resources, while 
those of the South were limited. He declared that in acting upon 
the defensive it was sometimes necessary to become the aggressor 
in order to be successful. He maintained that the North would 
wear down the South if the duration of the war developed upon 
endurance of numbers. 

Subsequent events proved Jackson's theory to be correct. The 
2,800,000 soldiers enlisted in the North simply wore out the 550,000 
Southern soldiers. New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio alone en- 
listed for the cause of the Union 750,000 men, which is more than 
the combined South enlisted in defense of its cause. 

I. C. Haas. 
Tokoma Park, D. C. 

Why Booth Shot Lincoln. 99 


Committed the Crime, Not to Aid the South, But to Seek 
Revenge for a Supposed Personal Wrong. He 
Believed Captain John Y. Beall Had 
Been Unjustly Executed. 

Mrs. B. G. Clifford, of Union, S. C, Corresponding Secretary oi 
the South Carolina Division Daughters of the Confederacy, writes 
as follows in the State, in January, 1905, of Columbia, S. C. : 

Most historians have been content to state the simple fact that J. 
Wilkes Booth shot and killed President Lincoln in Ford's Theatre, 
at Washington, on April 14, 1865. 

Barnes' School History adds to this statement that by the shoot- 
ing of Lincoln, Booth " insanely imagined that he was ridding his 
country of a tyrant," while a recent Southern historian says: 
" Abraham Lincoln was shot in a theatre at Washington on the 
night of April 14th, by an actor, who, sympathizing with the falling 
Confederacy, thought this deed would avenge the South." 

In the editorial column of the Christian Observer, of Louisville, 
Ky. , of Oct. 13, 1904, the following statements are made, in which, 
as a Daughter of the Confederacy, deeply interested in all that per- 
tains to the truth of history and honor of the South, I desire to call 
the attention oi South Carolinians : * ■ * * "No citizen of the 
Southern Confederacy had anything to do with the assassination of 
Mr. Lincoln." * * * 

"John Wilkes Booth, who assassinated Mr. Lincoln was a citizen 
of the United States, not of the Confederate States. He was at no 
time a resident of the Confederate States. His Southern sym- 
pathies did not lead him to come to the South and make common 
cause with the South. It was not an ardent love of the South or of 
the Southern cause that prompted Mr. Booth's crime, but rather a 
spirit of revenge for the personal wrong that Mr. Lincoln had done 
in having Captain John Y. Beall, one of Booth's friends, unjustly 

' ' The editor of the Christian Observer was acquainted with Cap- 
tain Beall. He was a native of Virginia, a member of a good fam- 
ily, a college graduate, a brave young man of attractive personality. 

100 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

In Richmond, Va., we boarded at the same house, ate at the same 
table and we learned to appreciate his sterling worth. He possessed 
traits similar to those which, during the Spanish-American war, 
made Richard Pearson Hobson the idol of the American people, 
and when in the fall of 1864 a man was wanted to lead a hazardous 
enterprise and make a diversion on Lake Erie, he promptly re- 
sponded to the call of his government. With a handful of brave 
seamen he seized a boat on Lake Erie, made its crew prisoners, 
converted it into a. war vessel, captured or sank one or more other 
boats, terrorized the commerce of the Great Lakes, produced a 
panic in Buffalo and the cities on the lakes, and thoroughly alarmed 
the Northern people. In due time he was captured. He was tried 
by a court-martial and sentenced to death as a pirate. 

"John Wilkes Booth interested himself in his behalf; obtained 
from the Confederate government at Richmond, Va., the evidence 
that he was a commissioned officer of the Confederate navy; he ob- 
tained, also, evidence that his acts were only those of legitimate 
warfare, and that he was acting under instructions from the Confed- 
erate government. Booth went to Washington armed with these 
documents and secured from President Lincoln the promise that 
Captain Beall should not to be put to death, but should be treated 
as a prisoner of war. This promise of Mr. Lincoln's gave offense 
to Secretary Seward, who persuaded him, in the face of it, to sanc- 
tion Beall's execution, and Captain Beall was hanged at Governor's 
Island, N. Y., on Feb. 24, 1865. 

"John Wilkes Booth was not a well-balanced man at his best. 
Doubtless he inherited a streak of the insanity with which his 
father, though a great actor, was from time to time afflicted. Be 
that as it may, he was fearfully wrought up by the death of his 
friend in such circumstances. He denounced the killing in cold 
blood of a prisoner of war after he had surrendered as 'murder,' 
and the doing it after the president had given his word that it should 
not be done as 'falsehood' and 'treachery,' and vowed vengeance 
against the author of this wrong. 

' ' At once he organized a conspiracy for the assassination of Pres- 
ident Lincoln and Secretary Seward, and on the night of April 14, 
only seven weeks after Captain Beall was hanged, the plot was exe- 
cuted. Booth shot Mr. Lincoln at Ford's theatre, Washington, 
exclaiming- ' Sic semper tyrannis !' and on the same night Paine, 

W hy Booth Shot Lincoln. 101 

one of his co-conspirators, inflicted severe but not mortal wounds 
on William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

" The United States was fearfully aroused by the assassination of 
the President. At first it was suspected that the crime had been 
instigated by Confederates. Many prominent citizens of the Con- 
federacy were arrested. The most thorough and searching exam- 
ination was made, and it was conclusively proved that no represen- 
tative of the Southern Confederacy had any hand in it. It was as 
sincerely regretted and as severely condemned through the South 
as in the North. Mr. Lincoln was killed not by a citizen of the 
Confederate States, but by a citizen of the United States — a par- 
tially deranged man, to avenge the wrong he claimed had been 
suffered by his friend at Mr. Lincoln's hands." 

102 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Sunday JSews, Charleston, S. C, July 17, 1904.] 


The Opposition Our Representatives Faced in Europe, 


He Appears to Think that the Result May Have Been Different had 
the Masterly Statecraft of the Hon. R. Barnwell Rhett been 
Adopted— The Queen, Prince Albert, Palmerston, Cobden and 
Bright for the North, and the Negroes, while the Tories Warmly 
Approved the Cause of the South— The Status of France and the 
Views of Napoleon— Sharp Criticism of President Davis and His 

Was it ever before that a nation at its birth was ready with a 
million young horsemen to ride across its borders as Forrest and 
Morgan and Mosby rode, gathering arms and blankets and horses 
for wider range of unparalleled enterprise in the enemy's territory? 
Was ever invaded nation firm in its foundations to drive back the 
million young horsemen from the farms of the South ! 

When Robert Barnwell Rhett in masterly statecraft, at the outset, 
would prepare compensatory treaty rights for the commercial pow- 
ers of Western Europe in Confederate ports, thus to hold them safe 
from hostile blockade; and when this measure of statecraft was 
refused by the Confederate government, the act of refusal became 
tantamount to the use of a policy of military defence of thousands 
of miles of Southern coast, impossible of success, yet a policy 
wherein the Confederate soldier was shorn of his peculiar prowess in 
war and whereby an exhaustive draft was made upon the army for 
garrison forces. 

The government of the Confederacy lost no time in entering a 
a field of diplomacy of its own devising, a sentimental appeal to an 
unwilling world. The Confederate States made prompt advances 
for admission of the most refined free government that had ever 

Confederate Diplomacy. 103 

lived into the family circle of hereditary monarchies, but it brought 
in its pure hands no temptation to the avarice of the old monarchies. 
It appeared with long scroll of argument in its pure hands, going 
to prove to ancient kingdoms that the only hope for free institutions 
in America lay in the length and safety of its own precious life. 
That was all of Confederate diplomacy — all, from first to last, brief 
as the time. 

The young slave republic, the offspring of a dismembered gov- 
ernment at peace with all Europe, and which, if let alone, would 
go, full sail, into the sphere of monarchial conditions — the young 
republic mounted the pedestal of natural right, and with the curl of 
virtuous scorn upon its lip challenged the monarchial world to turn 
from the spectacle if it could ! 


Lord Palmerston, the Whig premier of England, an octogena- 
rian, who had been a personal disciple of Wilberforce in his youth 
and who had brought down to his present life and office the enthus- 
iasm then inspired by the great emancipator, heard with a smile of 
incredulity the solemn plea of the Confederacy at the Court of St. 
James. John Bright and Richard Cobden, the venerable premier's 
lieutenants, had hardly composed themselves from the exciting sym- 
pathy with which they had watched the campaign Abraham Lin- 
coln for the Presidency. The German Prince-Consort, too, Albert, 
was near to carry into the predicate of Confederate recognition the 
national German morbidity of hate against slavery. 

Albert died soon, yet not before he had developed his stand for 
the side of the United States in the American conflict. For years 
after her husband's death, the Queen lived in a melancholy, and he 
would be a rash minister who should approach her Majesty with 
suggestion of variance with her dead husband's known policy. 


It was not new or recently excited prejudice that the Confederacy 
met at the Court of St. James. The amiable Victoria in her hap- 
piest years had been offended to hear the truth of the Southern 
States. She had retired from her household the chosen companion 
of her childhood, the constant associate of her domestic life and the 
favorite among her four maids of honor, Miss Amelia Murray. 
The tale so simple, now so ominous, had been long told to the 

104 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

world. Miss Murray made a tour of the United States, from North 
to South, accompanied alone by her English maid. She came in 
the time of the Kansas agitation and being informed in public 
affairs, wrote voluminously in private letters to friends in England 
of party politics as she observed them in Congress and elsewhere. 
She wrote critically of American society, its customs and the sec- 
tional lines that separated what was good North from what was 
good South. Gradually approaching slave States, the tourist 
accepted proffered hospitality of the planters and visited planta- 
tions. The tone of her original Wilberforcean prejudices began to 
moderate as information reached her mind of practical conditions 
concerning the Southern plantation and its African bondsmen. The 
truly valuable letters of Miss Murray were published. The delight- 
ful literature proved an offence in the Royal Court. The revelation 
of truth on the Southern plantations published from the household 
of the Queen of England whose government, directed by her hus- 
band, was even then engaged in vigorous efforts to put down the 
surviving slave trade in English bottoms with Spanish- American 
islanders and Brazil, was bad politics. Not only so, but the Queen's 
government had a rule to enter upon no new treaty of amity and 
commerce which failed to commit the signatures alike to suppres- 
sion of the African slave trade. Miss Murray's published reports of 
Southern plantations were an unwelcome information and must 
needs suffer a positive royal repudiation in her dismissal from the 
semi-political post she had so long adorned. The Southern Con- 
federacy, nevertheless, had already taken the most advanced step 
open to it against an indefinite expansion of the institution of slav- 
ery. The Secession Convention of Alabama had led in the move- 
ment which culminated in a proviso of the Federal Constitution for- 
ever forbidding the introduction of slaves into the Confederacy 
from any foreign country whatsoever. 


But the Palmerston ministry resolved from the outset upon an 
unfriendly policy toward the Southern Confederacy. The Tory 
party, dividing almost evenly with the Whigs, met the ministry on 
the issue. The London Times earnestly supported the Tories and 
the South. At Liverpool, Manchester and in London voluntary 
associations of the higher classes were formed to express in practi- 
cal methods their sympathy with the South. Rich men offered 
money to army hospitals of the Confederacy, competent writers 

Confederate Diplomacy. 105 

published paragraphs and authors wrote bound volumes arguing for 
the South, members of Parliament from their seats prodded the 
ministry for its shirking policy toward the South. The Tories were 
as much our friends as if they had been of us, on the land. 

While the Southern sympathizers in England were thus busy in 
practical ways at home, they did not fail to approach Napoleon III 
in their urgency of the Southern cause. The Emperor of France 
was a willing listener. He took up the cause of the South through 
formal channels of diplomacy with England. He held interviews 
with English members of Parliament, committing himself to the 
most advanced suggestions of co-operation with their own Govern- 
ment for the recognition and support of the independence of the 
Confederacy. He urged them to force the British ministry to fav- 
orable action. 

Robert Barnwell Rhett, deputy from South Carolina, had given 
the subject of Government for the South the study of an acute and 
philosophic mind for more than the life of a generation. He took 
his seat at Montgomery well prepared with an outline of foreign 
policy for the young republic which he had done so much to make 
possible. Mr. Rhett' s suggestion was founded upon certain accom- 
plished facts of daily experience in the relations of the commerce 
of the slave States to European trade. The export commerce of 
the slave States in raw material was the richest in the world. The 
official report of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859, gave the ex- 
ports initiating in the slave States at $188,693,490 and the exports 
initiating in the free States at $5,281,091. England was both the 
chief ocean carrier and the chief manufacturer of the main subject 
of Southern commerce, cotton. The industries of France were 
also largely involved in the carrying trade and the manufacture of 
Southern raw material. 


Upon the demonstrated value of Southern commerce and the his- 
torical record of Southern civil and military character, Rhett' s ob- 
ject of a foreign diplomacy rested. The Rhett scheme was, to 
proceed without a moment's delay to assail the well-known anti- 
slavery prejudice and fanatacism of the Palmerston ministry on the 
moral aspect of Southern slavery with an irresistible temptation of 
treaty stipulation into the interest of English commerce and manu- 
factures known to be generally controlled by Whigs and aboli- 
tionists. The Rhett scheme would pledge the trade of England and 

106 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

France special advantages and privileges in Confederate ports; for 
example, a tariff rate for twenty years, not to exceed 20 per cent, 
ad valorem, and certain fixed port charges not to exceed the cost of 
maintenance. It was not pretended that the suggestion of special 
and compensatory terms of commercial treaty in the premises was 
original. On the contrary, the terms were recommended as proven 
by the treaties of the United States with France and England in the 

The" policy of Rhett was a practical confronting of an emergency; 
the refusal of his policy without a substitute in any degree was a 
sentiment without an apology. 

Did the rejection of Rhett's scheme of foreign alliance give prom- 
ise of any uncommon exertion of vigor in the Confederate govern- 
ment within the limits of its own resources ? The inexplicable sit- 
uation was laid open by the act of rejection, the diverting of the 
Federal government of seceded States from control of the political 
school that had long resisted the invention. Secessionists had 
called the government into existence upon an argument all their 
own; Unionists immediately rose to the administration and held it 
firmly until the end. Perhaps an intrepid spirit for hazards revealed 
itself in the conduct of the men who had been loth to the last mo- 
ment to enter upon so daring an enterprise as the erection of the 
new republic. It is enough to say the leading secessionists of 1860- 
'01 lost control of the Confederate government at the outset. If 
discernment was to be used, if opportunity was to be seized, if influ- 
ence was to be reckoned on, the founders of the Confederacy had 
no voice in the situation. Whether the road to the Confederacy 
was straight or devious, the one significant thing was, it led to the 
goal which the road builders were denied. 


In the last months of his life, John C. Calhoun, seeing the end of 
his own availability approaching, prophesied that the young Sen- 
ator from Mississippi, then on crutches from the field of Buena 
Vista, would be the master spirit in the ripening movement to con- 
federate under one government the slave States. Calhoun died in 
the belief that the Senator intended his eloquent defence of the 
right of secession and his eloquent portrayal of the perils which 
beset the slave States should lead to the remedy of secession. But 
the President of the Southern Confederacy never approved the se- 

Confederate Diplomacy. 107 

cession movement. Mr. Davis was, perhaps, never quite under- 

The hand of the Confederate government denied the predicate of 
preference to the men from whose brains and hearts the Southern 
movement had been nourished into complete system. In the years 
of opportunity from foreign diplomacy, the Secretary of State was 
Judah P. Benjamin, a Whig and Unionist in the period when tariffs 
and free trade were contending American theories; the Secretary 
of War was James A. Seddon, by whose order General Johnston 
was retired from command, the second army in strength then de- 
stroyed, and Seddon had been earnestly opposed to the formation 
of the Confederacy long after President Davis took the oath at 
Montgomery; the Secretary of the Treasury, Christopher G. Mem- 
minger, was a lifelong and active opponent of the Calhoun doctrine 
and he was put in office against the declared judgment of the Pres- 
ident that Robert Toombs, secessionist, was the ablest financier 
among all American public men. It is not worth while to say these 
officers were all faithful; they were all failures. The axiom remains 
unimpeached, that statecraft is the intellectual product of an ideal. 
Without the ideal there is no statecraft. Statecraft involving the 
efficiency of the Confederate war office did not suggest John A. 
Campbell for Assistant Secretary of War, yet Campbell held the 
place until the end in the face of his avowal to the President that 
he had no sympathy with the motives of the Confederacy. (Letter 
of Campbell to Judge Curtis.) The Senator from Georgia, Benja- 
min H. Hill, was notoriously the friend and counsellor of Mr. Davis, 
yet within thirty days of the meeting of the Confederate Congress 
at Montgomery, Mr. Hill had denounced bitterly the Southern 
movement. There was never a day when he either expected or 
desired the Confederacy to live. {Life and Speeches of B. H. Hill, 
by his son.) 


Neither text-page or index of the five octave volumes prepared 
by Mr. Davis and his wife, purporting to relate the tale of the rise 
and fall of the Confederacy and the parts acted by many persons, 
contains the name of Robert Barnwell Rhett, William L. Yancey, 
Louis T. Wigfall and their associated secessionists. The massive 
volumes leave a perfect hiatus between the lucid accounts of the 
incorporation of the States' rights principle in the Federal system 
of the United States and the application of the principle in the per- 

108 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

fected Confederate government. Who prepared the people through 
long years of public discussion, and what the motive of final action, 
the many books omit to tell. We are denied the simplicity of facts, 
for the gratification of a patriotic desire to find the men and their 
motives who built a government which sought to live among the 

yancey's fruitless mission. 

In March, 1861, the Confederate commissioners in Europe, Wm. 
L. Yancey, President, and F. A. Rost and A. Dudley Mann, 
Associate Commissioners, with their accomplished young Secretary, 
Mr. Fearn, of Hunts ville, Ala., sailed out of the port of Charleston. 
Orders were obeyed. Mr. Yancey made Southern rights' speeches 
and all talked to the kind people who received them into their con- 
fidence, of the inherent virtue of the Confederate cause. Yancey 
had no confidence when he left home in his mission. " Don't go 
to Europe, if you value your reputation," his frieuds warned him. 
Having exhausted the field of his instructions, he asked to be called 
home. The request was reluctantly granted by his government. 
He was too fluent a talker to be spared. The others remained. 
Mr. John M. Mason, long a distinguished Senator from Virginia, 
and Mr. John Slidell, a native of New York, long a Senator from 
Louisiana, were sent out to the Court of St. James and St. Cloud 

mason and slidell. 

The two commissioners, their respective secretaries, and the fam- 
ily of Mr. Slidell, passed uninterrupted through the blockade at 
Charleston and at Havana boarded her Britanic Majesty's mail ship 
Trent, plying between Vera Cruz, Mexico, and Southampton. Mr. 
Seward, Secretary of State, had determined from the beginning of 
the war to bluff England and alarm her ministry. Among the first 
of his unrelaxing acts in this line was the capture of Messrs. Mason 
and Slidell under the British flag on the high seas ofTthe coast of 
Cuba. Seward held his finger firmly on the pulse of Palmers ton's 
timid government. When the time came, he surrendered the com- 
missioners to a British ship in the harbor of Boston, and in February, 
1862, they were landed at Liverpool. 

Early in February, 1862, Mr. Mason delivered informally Secre- 
tary Hunter's message to the British ministry. There was absolutely 
nothing in it beyond the stale argument Yancey had left behind 
him, that secession was not revolution in the American system, that 

Confederate Diplomacy. 109 

the Southern people were not in rebellion; that the success of the 
South in the war was inevitable; that the Southern people would 
never return to the Union; that there were vast stores of cotton on 
the plantations, which an enterprising neutral could have for the 
asking. In the retirement of his later years President Davis recounted 
the success o'f the first commissioners, as he had anticipated success, 
in these words: 

" Our efforts for recognition by European powers, in 1861, served 
to make us better known, to awaken a kindly feeling in our favor, 
and cause a respectful regard for the effort we were making to main- 
tain the independence of the States which Great Britain had recog- 
nized and her peoole knew to be our birthright." {Rise and Fall 
of the Coyifederate Government, Vol. I, p. 469.) This, after con- 
templation in fact, comprehended the whole scheme of Confederate 
foreign diplomacy from first to last. 


The Tories of England received Commissioner Mason with open 
arms. They flocked to his apartments to welcome him and to ap- 
plaud his country. They escorted him to a seat in the galleries of 
Parliament, that he might hear with his own ears how they prodded 
the ministry and shamed it. They carried him to their country 
homes to see their kennels and their stables and to look upon their 
balls. "They are the same people here as in old Virginia," wrote 
Mason to his wife. The Lord Mayor invited him to attend the 
grand annual dinner. He was there called upon to speak and his 
speech was tumultuously applauded. 

Commissioner Mason took up the question of blockade with the 
English ministry, to the limited extent that the ministry would hear 
him. England had insisted that the Confederate States should in- 
formally accede to the Paris Convention; and this Paris Convention 
had committed the powers that signed it to the proposition that: 
(1) Blockade by belligerents must be effective; (2) That blockade 
once raised, even for an hour, could not be restored without notice 
to neutrals. 


Mr. Mason showed to the British minister conclusively that in the 
second year of the war the blockade of the Confederate ports was 
not effective; that a lively trade continually passed through the 
blockade, so called; that, for instance, 100 vessels and more had 

110 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

passed through the Confederate ports laden with' incoming and out- 
going merchandise in the three months only of the winter of 1861- 
62. The commissioner further showed the British Secretary for 
foreign affairs that in lieu of a port blockade which it had failed ig- 
nominiously to maintain, the United States government had estab- 
lished a line of patrol ships at sea in front of the various Confederate 
ports, and that the captures of several neutral vessels, made in their 
attempts to trade with the Confederacy, were actually captures 
made upon the high seas, and not in the harbors or within the Con- 
federate jurisdiction. These, therefore, were unlawful prizes and 
were a direct insult and injury to neutral commerce. 


Meantime Commissioner Slidell was active in Paris. He per- 
suaded M. Thouvenal, the French Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to 
obtain permission from the Emperor for Messrs. Lindsay and Roe- 
buck, members of the British Parliament, to see him in the interest 
of the Confederacy. The Emperor cheerfully received the visitors, 
Mr. Slidell also being present. The interview was prolonged at 
the Emperor's insistence. He authorized the Englishmen to pre- 
pare Parliament for any advanced movement in favor of the 
South, even to a break up of the Whig government that stood 
in the way, and he would promptly and effectively join it. Mr. 
Lindsay explained at length to the Emperor that the battle of 
the United States was not really for the maintenance of a Union 
from which slavery should be eliminated, but for the maintenance 
of a Union which would abolish the revenue tariff and in lieu re- 
store the Clay- American system, or protective duties for the benefit 
of the commerce and manufacturers of the North. He showed that 
as imports are paid for by exports, and as the imports of the South 
were great and of the North small, the South really paid three- 
fourths of the Federal revenues, only to be denied an equitable dis- 
bursement of the collection. The Emperor admitted the probable 
correctness of Mr. Lindsay's views, and reiterated his readiness to 
join England in recognition of the Confederacy at once and to sus- 
tain that proceeding at all cost. "Why not advance to that step 
alone, may I ask your Majesty?" inquired Lindsay. "Ah, what 
then becomes of my fleet off Vera Cruz?" was the reply. 

While the commissioners were thus employed Moncure D. Con- 
way, a Virginian of extraordinary ability, who had in his youth 
gone North to enlist with Garrison, Phillips, Mrs. Howe and the 

Confederate Diplomacy. Ill 

most radical of the abolitionists, advertised in London that he 
would lecture in that city under the auspices of Mr. John Bright, 
and that the object of his lecture was to give moral support to a 
party in the United States that would rise up and coerce the Lin- 
coln administration, to stop the war, and concede the independence 
of the Confederacy. Conway sent Commissioner Mason a ticket to 
his lecture. 


Again and again the Confederate Commissioners urged upon 
England and France the rights of their governments under the 
terms of the Paris Convention. It was shown that now in the third 
year of the alleged blockading, Flag Officer Ingraham, of the Con- 
federate navy, had attacked the blockading squadron off Charleston, 
destroyed some of its vessels, and entirely dispersed the others 
from view. The next winter, it may not be amiss at this place to 
say, Captain Dixon and crew ran the submarine torpedo boat Hun- 
ley, the first boat of the kind known to naval warfare, under the 
blockader Housalonic, a powerful warship, off the harbor of Charles- 
ton. The Housatonic and all on board, about 400 persons, went to 
the bottom, carrying the Hunley with it. Every blockader, taking 
fright, fled, and the port was open for several days. At the same 
season in which Ingraham opened the port of Charleston, Semmes 
opened Galveston. But neither England or France enforced the 
terms of the Paris Convention. In the winter of 1862-63 the im- 
provised navy of the Confederacy destroyed eleven warships of the 
Linked States, while the Alabama and the Sumter drove the mer- 
chant marine of the enemy off the high seas. 


Among those in high place, early impressed with the importance 
of foreign sympathy and trade, especially in the matter of procur- 
ing arms for the Confederacy, was the first Secretary of War, 
General Leroy Pope Walker. The Secretary suffered a rare ex- 
perience. He was so beset by importunate captains of companies 
to receive their commands into the army that he found it essential 
to his personal comfort to reach his office in Montgomery by the 
back way to avoid the importunities of the soldiers. He made a 
requisition on his government for 150,000 foreign rifles, but was 
shut off with 25,000. The government did nevertheless promptly 
select a purchasing agent, and ordered him to Europe with full dis- 

112 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

cretionary power to buy arms and army equipments. The person 
selected was an old army officer, who had been detailed as drill 
master and commandant at the University of Alabama, a young 
man, Captain Caleb Huse, of Massachusetts. Captain Huse was a 
graduate of West Point, and a good soldier, but citizens and pru- 
dent soldiers thought General Beauregard, with a competent staff, 
must have been a more serviceable officer to have sent abroad on 
so vital a responsibility. 

As the sequel proved, when General Joseph E. Johnston, soon 
after the First Manassas, proposed to invade the North as the 
necessary strategy of war, President Davis assured him the War 
Department had not the arms needed. The President said, with 
apparently deep feeling, that he "had tried to get arms, but had 
failed, and he did not know when he could get them. So about the 
same time, when General Albert Sidney Johnston, had recruited and 
put in camp ten or twelve thousand volunteers for the Western 
army, the Secretary of War ordered the camps broken np and the 
men returned home for want of arms. In all that time, and for 
months after, Capt. Huse was receiving only $250 or about that sum, 
a month from his Government to use in his duty, but having made 
known to friends of the Confederacy in London his urgent need, 
Sir Isaac Campbell loaned him half a million dollars on his private 
account and his cargo of much needed arms sailed. 

The Confederacy needed a currency and manufactured one. Did 
the abortive effort fairly represent the opportunities of the govern- 
ment? There was much of foreign sympathy rejected in the pro- 
ceeding. We shall see that "cotton " bonds of the Confederacy, 
marketed in England and France were almost 100 per cent, higher 
than the bonds of the United States at the same period. I well 
remember that Vice-President Stephens in conversation remarked to 
me, in the war time, that the Confederacy with a little more busi- 
ness tact in the finances, might establish " the strongest paper cur- 
rency in the world," referring to the uses that might be made of 
credit, founded on cotton, by the Treasury Department. 

"cotton obligations." 

The Confederate cruiser Alabama, was built for the government 
at Birkenhead, on the Mersey, by a firm of Laird, a member of 
Parliament, was a member. The cost was $250,000 and the firm 
rejected offers from the Secretary of the Navy, at Washington, to 

Confederate Diplomacy. 113 

build several war ships for the United States. They would have 
built others for the Confederacy, because it paid good prices. 

In September, 1862, Commissioner Mason wrote to his govern- 
ment that twenty or twenty-five millions could be had for its uses 
for " cotton obligations. " Now the income of the United States, 
in i860, was about $75,000,000 only. At a single draft our govern- 
ment was able to command one-third that sum. "Cotton obliga- 
tions " of the government consisted in a simple pledge of honor to 
deliver so many pounds of lint, at a price named, at a convenient 
seaport within the Confederate limits, within three calendar months 
after the arrival of peace. So attractive to foreign money lenders 
were the "cotton obligations" that Mr. Erlanger, of the private 
banking firm of Erlanger & Co., Paris, made his way through the 
blockade to Richmond to urge the authorities there to sell large 
blocks of this character for gold delivered in London. 


The Union States, pending these incidents of Confederate finan- 
ciering, was selling bonds in Germany and devoting the proceeds 
to bounties to German subjects to enter its army. Approximately a 
quarter of a million stout Germans flocked to save the Union upon 
their bounties. At the same period the United States had agents 
in Ireland recruiting soldiers to come to the rescue of the Union on 
promise that the scanty farm at home, crippled with tithings and 
landlords exactions, should be replaced with many fruitful Ameri- 
can acres as a free gift. Then, too, to fill out the quota of soldiers, 
school teachers and others of both sexes came from New England 
to Southern rice and cotton plantations to recruit negro troops, and 
of these some 241,000 were armed and mustered into the ranks of 
the Union army. What the United States bonds brought on the 
market in Europe is immaterial. They sold as low as 40 cents on 
the dollar in Wall street. 

THE SOUTH BORROWS $15,000,000. 

Under date " Richmond, January 15, 1863," Secretary of State 
Benjamin wrote to Commissioner Mason : " The agents of Messrs. 
Erlanger & Co. arrived a few days before your dispatches and were 
quite surprised to find their proposals were considered inadmissible. 
They very soon discovered how infinitely stronger we were and how 
much more abundant our resources than they had imagined. We 

114 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

finally agreed with them to take fifteen millions instead of twenty- 
five millions which they offered." The 7 per cent, bonds of the 
government were taken at 77. The Secretary said the government 
took the money really because Mr. Slidell advised the step to assist 
the negotiations for recognition of France. At that very time, when 
the government wanted no money, the Ordnance Department was 
drawing the copper to make percussion caps from old distillery out- 
fits in North Carolina and the commanding generals stood aghast at 
the long line of shoeless, ragged men in their ranks. 

The Erlanger loan was placed in London with immediate and 
astonishing success. March 3, 1863, Mr. Erlanger had returned 
and the first offering of $5,000,000 appeared on Lombard street. 
Before the day closed $10,000,000 had been subscribed and the 
premium was 5 per cent. When the aggregate of bids for the entire 
loan of $15,000,000 was summed up $75,000,000 had been sub- 


The government, now endeavoring to make order, sent Mr. Colin 
J. McRae, a successful cotton factor of Mobile, to Europe as its 
financial agent. McRae soon sent home a protest against the neg- 
lect of his government in failure to make proper control of the 
blockade running business. He found the Liverpool market fairly 
well supplied with cotton, brought through by private enterprise. 
He earnestly urged that the government should take charge of the 
blockade running and control the commerce to its own advantage. 
He gave as one reason for his counsel information that much cotton 
escaped the blockade direct for the port of New York. 

Two splendid iron ships of war for the Confederacy were com- 
pleted on the Clyde by Captain Bulloch. The other brother, Cap- 
tain Bulloch (both uncles of President Roosevelt) arrived in Lon- 
don to take command of one, for work against the enemy, and 
Commodore Matthew F. Maury arrived to take command of the 
other. Ambassador Charles Francis Adams discovered the ap- 
proaching readiness of the ships to put to sea. The American min- 
ister again played his old game of bluff successfully. He at onc( 
called on Earl Russell, her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 
and demanded the sailing of the ships should be promptly forbid- 
den. The banker, George Peabody, agreed to put up the $5,000, 
000 gold that Russell required, to indemnify his government, and 
the ships were thrown out of the Confederate possession at once, 

Confederate Diplomacy. 115 

before leaving their docks. All ships building in Europe on account 
of the Confederates then ceased. The Southern cause was dead in 


General Lee returned from Pennsylvania upon a drawn battle and 
General Johnston lost Vicksburg in the same days of midsummer 
in the third year of the war. Confederate sympathizers in England 
grew despondent. The Southern people did not grow despondent, 
nor did the army for a moment lose faith in the final outcome of the 
war. It is a notable fact that the battle of Gettysburg did not 
come within the plans of Lee, and would not have occurred at all 
had Lee's order to the marching van of his army been duly exe- 
cuted. Gettysburg village did not lie on his line of invasive march. 
It was reached by the turning of a head of corps in the van at right 
angles to the prescribed course from headquarters. And the move- 
ment was a surprise to the commanding general. Not less notable 
an instance of disobedience of orders from Johnston was the retreat 
of a wing of his army into Vicksburg and the resultant seige and 
inevitable capitulation that followed. 


Several young men were sent abroad to excite the good will of 
foreign people toward the government of the Confederacy and its 
people. Major Norman S. Walker, of Richmond, was placed at 
Bermuda to receive and forward merchandise both ways. Mr. 
Henry Holze, some time one of the editorial writers of the Mobile 
Register, was sent to London in a confidential government office. 
Mr. Edwin de Leon, a noted newspaper paragraphist, was sent to 
England with $25,000 to purchase, if need be, space in important 
journals for the discussion by him of the Southern situation for the 
better enlightenment of the public as well as the government. 
Various other citizens were sent abroad on missions of the govern- 
ment from time to time. 

After the cruiser Alabama began upon her wonderful work on the 
high seas, the neutrality promised by Great Britain at the outbreak 
of the war languished. The United States continued to get all the 
support it needed from English trade, while the corresponding bene- 
fit was denied to the Southern Confederacy. Both belligerents 
were negotiating for the construction of war ships by British build- 

116 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ers when the Alabama was launched, yet after the war England paid 
losses inflicted by the cruiser on Northern commerce to the sum of 

We have seen that the South did in fact face a frowning world. 
While the government lived, to the latest moment of its life, the 
proud spirit of its Chieftain was burdened with no doubt or the 
shadow of a doubt. In the period of his vicarious sacrifice that 
followed the fall, his memory stands forth in the splendor of dignity, 
truth and valorous endurance incarnate. 

A Midnight Charge. 117 

[From the Times-Dispatch, May 15, 1904.] 


And the Death of General J. E. B. Stuart. 


Made a Reconnoisance but Found the Federal Pickets Wide Awake. 

[For account of death of General Stuart, see Southern Historical 
Society Papers, Vols. XXIX, p. 22; XXX, p. 236.] 

While the article following deals, in part, with the much contro- 
verted point as to how Jeb Stuart received his death wound, a far 
more interesting question is discussed by its author. That is, with 
respect to a charge Stuart desired to make upon the enemy's camp 
on the night, or morning, rather, preceding the battle of Yellow 
Tavern. The adventures of General Stuart made in a scout, de- 
signed to "locate" the enemy, the cavalry sergeant describes as 
follows : 

I was a member of Company C, 1st Virginia cavalry, and will 
commence my story by relating what happened the night before the 
killing of Stuart. I will show that he expected the general en- 
gagement to come off the next day, and also that he knew the odds 
against him would be very heavy. 

The General conceived the idea of charging the enemy's camp 
that night. Our camps were not very far apart. 

About 12 o'clock at night, my captain, C. F. Jordan, came to 
me and waked me up and said that General Stuart had sent for me, 
and wanted me to report to him at once, mounted. 

I asked the captain what the general wanted. The captain said 
he did not know. As he wanted me to come mounted, I supposed 
he was going to send me off on a scout or wanted me to go with 
him to reconnoiter, as I had done before, so I was particular about 
loading my pistol and carbine with fresh cartridges. I reported to 
him as quickly as possible. As I rode up to his tent I could see 
him sitting in there by himself. He had a light. He could see no 
one else about, his horse was nearby. As I stepped in front of his 
tent, I said: "Here I am, General, ready for orders." He came 

118 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

out, and said: "Sergeant, I want you with me to-night. I'm 
going to charge the enemy's camp." (He always addressed me as 
"Sergeant," as I was a sergeant in my company.) "Wait here 
and I will be ready directly to start. He had notified all of the dif- 
ferent commands to meet and form at a certain place. He very 
soon came out of his tent and mounted his horse, a very pretty 
gray or cream colored mare, which he prized very much. Some 
friend of his had made him a present of her. 

I was riding a fine gray horse myself, which I had recently 

We started off and he went straight to where the command was 
already formed by fours. We took our positions at the head of it 
and he gave the command, " Forward," and off we started, all per- 
fectly quiet, no one talking, as I suppose they had been ordered 
to keep quiet. Whether the men knew what the General's inten- 
tions were or not, I do not know. 

We had one piece of artillery with us, and after going a short 
distance across a field, then into a piece of woods a little distance, 
he halted the command and told them to remain there until he re- 
turned. Fie then said: " Sergeant, we will ride on." After going 
a little ways, he said: " I want to find a position to place that gun " 
(meaning that piece of artillery). We had not gone over three 
or four hundred yards before we were halted by a picket. It was 
dark or getting so, and we did not see them until we were halted in 
twenty feet of them or nearer. 

I asked the General, in a very low tone, " If it was not our 
picket?" We had come upon them so soon after starting. He 
said: " No, they are Yankees; " and just as he replied, they fired a 
volley at us. Seven shots, we counted, successive shots, very close 
together, and we could see seven men. 

Our horses wheeled to the right into some bushes. They were 
badly frightened. The General said: "Sergeant, are you hurt?" 
I replied: " No, sir; are you ? " " No," he said, " but I am afraid 
my horse is." I said my horse does not jump like he was hurt, 
and we had then turned and were going back the way we came. 
The General said: " Sergeant, that firing has just spoiled my fun." 
We made a miraculous escape. They were so close to us, I sup- 
pose they were asleep, and did not hear us until we got right on 
them. I suppose it was near 2 o'clock then. We went back to 
the command. The General said: "We will wait where we are 
until day begins to break, and I will fire from here into their camp." 

A Midnight Charge. 119 

The pickets were firing around their camp, and we could hear 
them giving orders. 

When day began to break, we could see them moving out, and 
the General commenced firing into their camp with that gun, as fast 
as possible, and it got away from there in a hurry. From that time 
on we had some skirmishing until the general engagement com- 
menced, near Yellow Tavern. The General kept me busy that day 
carrying orders. It was the hardest and hottest day's work I ever 
did. It was one of the hardest fought battles during thenar. I 
was told by one of our commanding officers — one who was in a po- 
sition to know — that we fought about five to one against us. We 
did not have over 1,500 men in action, if that number; about 2,200 
or 2,300, all told. 

Fitz. Lee's division did the fighting. I did the hardest day's 
work and had more narrow escapes than I ever had on any battle- 
field during the war. I was in most of them. I was carrying orders 
for General Stuart the whole day in every direction across that bat- 
tlefield, and came within a hair's breadth of being killed many 
times. General Stuart exposed himself very much. When I went 
with an order I always found him in a different place, when I re- 
turned to him. I saw no other courier, and never saw any of his 
staff with him, but always found him alone when I returned from 
carrying an order. 

When I was not carrying orders I was riding over the battlefield 
with him. He went over the field very frequently by himself, and 
exposed himself very much. The last order I took from him that 
evening was to General Wickham, my brigadier-general. On my 
return I found him alone, between 4 and 5 o'clock (nearer 5 I sup- 
pose, judging from the sun), some distance in front of the Baltimore 
Light Infantry. He dismounted with his right arm through his 
bridle rein, holding his glasses to his eyes with both hands, looking 
across a field at the edge of a piece of woods some distance off, a 
half or three quarters of a mile or more. 

I could see with the naked eye a body of men mounted near the 
woods, but could not tell what they were about. When I rode up 
to Stuart he took down his glasses and turned his head, and saw 
who it was. He said to me: " Sergeant, they are preparing yonder 
to charge this battery, and if I don't have a regiment mounted to 
meet them they will capture it. I want you to go and bring up the 
lead horses of the 1st regiment." 

I asked: "Where are they, General? I don't know where you 

120 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

had them left." He pointed and said: "They are in a straight 
line from here, in this direction, about a mile off. Go as fast as 
your horse can carry you, and get them here as quick as possible. 
I will have the men to meet them." 

" I will have them up in a few minutes, General," I replied. I 
turned my horse, and as I looked back I saw the General looking 
again through his glasses, with his right arm through his bridle 
rein. I set out at full speed, and that was the last time I ever saw 
my beloved and gallant general. 

I went straight to the horses, without any trouble, and was not 
over three minutes in getting there. My horse was a good one and 
a fast one. I found the men that were holding the horses all 
mounted and the horses turned the right way, and I started them 
off at once, as fast as they could come back, in the same track that 
I went, and met the men coming to meet the horses, as the General 
told me he would have them meet them, about three hundred yards 
from where I left General Stuart, and I am sure I was not gone alto- 
gether over fifteen minutes. I left him by himself. He must have 
mounted his horse as soon as I left him and ridden to where the 
i st regiment was in line of battle. I dismounted and ordered the 
men from the field to meet the horses, that they might mount and 
meet the enemy's charge, to save the Baltimore Light Artillery. 
That must have been the time when Mr. Oliver saw him riding 
alone through the woods towards them, and took his position be- 
tween him and another Maryland man of Company K, of the ist 
Virginia regiment of cavalry. He may have ordered all of the 
companies to meet the horses before he got there, as that company 
was on the extreme left, and when he got to Company K found it 
was too late to order them, and let them remain. The balance of 
the regiment certainly met the horses, and left the field before the 
General was shot. 

I was riding at the head of the regiment of led horses, Company 
C, being in front, when we met the men. The men had just about 
finished mounting and were ready to make the charge and I ex- 
pected to see General Stuart ride up every second. I intended to 
join him, but General Fitz Lee rode up right in front of me and 
said : " It is too late to charge now. The enemy have jnade 
the charge and captured the Baltimore Light Artillery, and 
General Stuart has been shot. I am am afraid mortally wounded." 
The men called out, some of them, " For God's sake, General, let 
us charge them, anyhow." " No, it is too late," General Fitz Lee 

A Midnight Charge. 121 

replied, " we are going to retreat now, and I want the regiment to 
cover our retreat. ' ' 

I never saw such a distressed looking body of men in my life as 
they looked to be, many of them shedding tears when they heard 
our gallant General had been shot, and the first they knew of his 
being shot, was when General Fitz Lee told them with tears in his 
eyes. He knew too well what a shock such sad news would be to 
the Old First. He knew what the men thought of Stuart, and what 
their beloved General thought of them. 

The regiment was General Stuart's old regiment. He was their 
first colonel. He drilled them thoroughly on foot and on horse- 
back. I suppose it was one of the best drilled regiments in the 
whole cavalry service, if not the best. He endeared himself to his 
men, and the men endeared themselves to him. The First did 
cover the retreat and fought all night, holding the enemy in check 
until we got to Mechanicsville the next morning. There we met 
the enemy again and defeated them. Mr. Oliver's statement, I 
have no doubt — or part of it — is correct, the part about his own 
Company K. The other companies could easily have been ordered 
from the field to meet the horses, without his knowing it, as he was 
stationed in the extreme left and probably not in sight. Mr. Dor- 
sey's statement also, I have no doubt, is correct; both could easily 
be to my mind. I knew Company K, and I know General Stuart 
thought very highly of it. It was a gallant command and I know 
it had a high regard for our beloved General Stuart. These state- 
ments of Mr. Oliver's and Mr. Dorsey's, I saw in the issues of 
October 23, 1903, of the Baltimore Sun. General Stuart was no 
doubt seen giving orders to the First Virginia Cavalry in line of 
battle to go to meet their horses, to mount and make a charge, to 
save the Baltimore Artillery. He did not get mounted in time to 
make the charge. That'action of General Stuart's may have been 
mistaken by others for rallying his men to charge to save the Balti- 
more Artillery. 

These statements are absolutely correct, and can be substantiated. 

My captain, C. F. Jordan, will confirm many of them. There has 

been so many differences of opinion as to how Stuart was mortally 

wounded, and how he happened to be where he was, at the time he 

was shot, I, being in a position to know something about it, have 

made these statements. 

Wm. B. Poindexter. 

P. O., Greenlee, Rockbridge county. 

122 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the New Orleans, La , Picayune, Sept., 25, 1904.] 


And the Shiloh National Military Park. 


[See also Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XXXI, p. 298, 
et seq.~\ 

General Grant in his "Memoirs" says: "The battle of Shiloh, 
or Pittsburg, has been, perhaps, less understood or, to state it more 
accurately, more persistently misunderstood than any other en- 
gagement between the National and Confederate troops during the 
entire rebellion." 

This is as true now as it was when it was written. Most of those 
persons who have written of Shiloh on the Union side have confined 
themselves to discussing the comparative achievements in that bat- 
tle of General Grant's command, the army of Tennessee, and Gen- 
eral Don Carlos Buell's command, the army of the Ohio. Most of 
those who have written from a Confederate standpoint have con- 
fined themselves to the discussion of what should have been the 
final result should General Albert Sidney Johnston not have been 
killed, and should General Beauregard have pressed forward instead 
of ordering a retreat on the afternoon of the second day's battle. 
So that what we have mostly of the battle of Shiloh from those who 
write of it is not what was actually done by the two great armies on 
that field the 6th and 7th of April, 1862, but "what might have 

Shiloh was the first great battle that had ever been fought on the 
American continent. When the American colonies entered into 
the war for independence in 1776, they had only an aggregate pop- 
ulation of three millions, scattered along the Atlantic Coast from 
the Penobscot river in what is now the State of Maine, to the Sa- 
vannah river in Georgia. In 1812, when the second war with Great 
Britain was begun there were about seven million people in the 
United States. No great armies were assembled, and no great bat- 
tles, as measured by great numbers, were fought. 

The Battle of Shiloh. 123 

When the war between the States, or Civil War, of 1861-5 began, 
the United States had a population of over thirty-one millions. 

The official statements show that the battle of Shiloh, up to the 
date upon which it was fought, saw the greatest array of men mar- 
shaled in hostile conflict that had ever been seen on the Western 
Hemisphere; and its results were more disastrous than any known 
in the history of the continent. The bloodshed was only exceeded 
at Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Spotsylvania, Cold Harbor and 

The Count of Paris, in his history of the war, says of Shiloh : 

"It was in fact, from the date of this battle, that the two armies 
began to know and respect each other. 

" Taught by experience thus gained, the generals felt that so 
long as such armies continued in the field, the struggle between the 
North and the South would not come to an end." 

It is not proposed in this article to undertake an exhaustive or 
even particular account of the events of that great battle, but rather 
to give briefly from the official records now published to the world, 
such a general statement as will lead to an intelligent understanding 
of the battle, the causes which led to it, and its results. I must 
not omit to say that my work has been much aided by the very ac- 
curate report of Major D. W. Reed, Historian and Secretary of 
the Shiloh Commission, published in 1902. 

The report on the Confederate side was made by Genernl G. T. 
Beuregard, who succeeded to the command on the death of Gen- 
eral A. S. Johnston. 

General Grant made no report further than what was contained 
in a letter written immediately after the battle to General Hallock, 
informing him that an engagement had been fought and announcing 
the result. General Grant explains the reason of his not making a 
report as follows : 

* * * "General Hallock moved his headquarters to Pitts- 
burg Landing and assumed command of all the troops in the field. 
Although next to him in rank, and nominally in command of my 
old district and army, I was ignored as much as if I had been at the 
most distant point of territory within my jurisdiction, and although 
I was in command of all the troops engaged at Shiloh, I was not 
permitted to see one of the reports of General Buell or his subordi- 
nates in that battle until they were published by the War Depart- 
ment, long after the event. For this reason I never made a full offi- 
cial report of the engagement." 

124 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

General Grant's " Memoirs " have been consulted in writing this 
article, as have all reports published in the official records, both 
Union and Confederate, and the Life of General Johnston, by his 
son, the late Colonel William Preston Johnston, and the writing ot 
others on both sides. 

I give a brief resume of General Johnston's command, and what 
occurred previously, which led to the battle of Shiloh. 


On the ioth of September, 1861, General Johnston was assigned 
to the command of that part of the Confederate States which lay 
west of the Alleghany Mountains, except the gulf coast; General 
Bragg being in command of the coast of west Florida and Alabama 
and General Mansfield Lovell of the coast of Mississippi and 

His command was very large in extent, and his powers and dis- 
cretion as large as the theory of the Confederate government per- 
mitted. He lacked nothing except men, munitions of war, and the 
means of obtaining them. The Mississippi river divided his de- 
partment into two distinct theatres of war. West of the river 
Fremont held Missouri with a force of from 60,000 to 80,000 troops 
confronted by Price and McCullock in the extreme southwest cor- 
ner of Missouri, with 6,000 men, and by Hardee in the northeast- 
ern part of Arkansas, with several thousand raw recruits, the major 
part of them suffering from diseases incident to camp life. 

East of the Mississippi the northern boundary of Tennessee was 
held in sufferance from an enemy who for various reasons hesitated 
to advance. The Mississippi was open to a naval invasion unless it 
could be defended and held. General Grant was at Cairo, and had 
there and at Paducah about 20,000 men, and to oppose his invasion 
General Polk had seized Columbus Ky., with about 11,000 Confed- 
erates and had placed it in a state of defense. Tennessee was 
divided by the Tennessee river, and also by the Cumberland. In- 
significant works of defense had been erected on both sides at 
Forts Henry and Donelson, near the boundary line, but in fact 
there was no practical defense against the capture of Nashville by 
the Federals, which was the most important depot of supplies west 
of the Alleghanies. The defence of the border of Tennessee first 
engaged General Johnston's attention. Kentucky had assumed a 
position of neutrality, which was abandoned by act of its Legisla- 
ture in September. There were about 34,000 Federal volunteers 

The Battle of Shiloh. 125 

and 6,ooo Home Guards assembled in that State under General 
Robert Anderson, of Fort Sumter fame, and he had with him Gen- 
erals Sherman, Thomas and Nelson. 

The Confederacy had 4,000 poorly-armed and badly-equipped 
troops at Cumberland Gap under General Zollicoffer, guarding the 
only line of communication between Virginia and Tennessee. East- 
ern Tennessee was hostile to the Confederacy, and required constant 
guarding and vigilance. Besides Zollicoffer' s force there were only 
about 4,000 available men to protect General Johnston's line against 
some 40,000 Federal troops. His line extended from Cumberland 
Gap to Columbus, Ky., with Bowling Green as a salient. Buckner 
was moving with a small force in Kentucky, the numbers of which 
were greatly exaggerated, and created much alarm. Bowling 
Green was strongly fortified, and General Johnston used every 
means in his power to rally the Kentuckians to his standard. He 
brought Hardee from Arkansas, with 4,000 men, and appealed to 
the Southern governors for arms and 50,000 troops. Governor 
Harris, of Tennessee, responded as best he could, but the govern- 
ment at Richmond was unable to re-enforce him or to arm the 
troops he had. General Johnston realized the magnitude of the 
struggle, and his unprepared condition, but the people of the South 
only awoke to it when it was too late. He was never able to assem- 
ble more than 20,000 troops to meet the 100,000 on his front. 

On the 7th of November the battle of Belmont was fought oppo- 
site Columbus, in Missouri, General Grant commanding the Federal 
and General Polk the Confederate army. In January, 1862, Gen- 
eral Johnston was confronted by General Halleck in the west and 
General Buell, who had succeeded Sherman in Kentucky. With 
the exception of the army under General Curtis in Missouri, about 
12,000 strong, the whole resources of the Northwest were turned 
against General Johnston in Kentucky. Halleck, with troops at 
Cairo and Paducah, under Generals Grant and C. F. Smith, threat- 
ened Columbus, and the defenses at Forts Donelson and Henry. 
Buell's right wing menaced Donelson and Henry, while his centre 
was directed against Bowling Green and his left was advancing 
against Zollicoffer at Mill springs on the upper Cumberland. 

The campaign opened with the defeat of the Confederates under 
Crittenden and Zollicoffer on the 19th of January, 1862, by General 
Thomas at Mill springs, or Fishing creek. 

While the loss was not severe, it ended with a rout, which left 
General Johnston's right flank exposed. To then reduce the force 

126 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

at Columbus would imperil the Mississippi river, nor could he haz- 
ard the loss of Nashville, and he, therefore, determined to make 
the fight at Forts Henry and Donelson, and soon Fort Henry fell. 
He had determined when the movement against Fort Henry was 
made to fall back on the line of the Cumberland, and make the fight 
for Nashville at Donelson. Buell was in his front with 90,000 men, 
and to save Nashville he had to fall back on it with a part of his 
army. He retained for this purpose some 14,000 men— of whom 
only 8,500 were effective to confront Buell' s force — and concentrated 
at Fort Donelson 17,000 men under Generals Floyd, Pillow and 
Buckner, to meet General Grant with a force of 25,000 troops. 
When, on February 16, General Johnston learned of the defeat and 
surrender of the troops at Donelson, his first object was to save the 
remnant of his army, and he at once determined to abandon the 
line of the Cumberland, and concentrate all his available troops at 
Corinth, Miss., and prepare for a renewed struggle. 

On the 25th of March he had assembled an army of 23,000 at 
Corinth. He was re-enforced by General Bragg from Pensacola 
with 10,000 men, and on General Johnston's arrival at Corinth his 
army numbered 50,000 men. 

The fall of Forts Henry and Donelson and abandonment of Nash- 
ville raised a storm of indignation over the country, and especially 
in Tennessee, and a committee of congressmen was sent to Presi- 
dent Davis to ask General Johnston's removal. To the committee 
Mr. Davis replied: "If Sidney Johnston is not a general, I have 
none." To a friend who urged him to publish an explanation in 
vindication of his course, General Johnston replied: " I cannot 
correspond with the people. What the people want is battle and a 
victory. That is the best explanation I can make. I require no 
vindication; I trust that to the future." 

His plan of campaign was to concentrate at Corinth, and inter- 
pose his whole force in front of the bend of the Tennessee river, 
the natural base of the Federal army, and this effected, to engage 
and defeat Grant before the arrival of Buell. This required imme- 
diate action, but time was required for the reorganization of the 
troops of Bragg and Beauregard. This occupied ten days. Hope 
was entertained of the arrival of General Van Dorn with re-enforce- 
ments before the arrival of General Buell, who was marching from 
Nashville with 37,000 men to join Grant, but who did not arrive 
until two days later. Hearing of Buell's near approach on the 2d 
of April, General Johnston determined to at once move to the 

The Battle of Shiloh. 127 

attack. General Bragg was assigned to the command of a corps, 
and also as Chief of Staff. To General Beauregard was tendered 
the immediate command of the army in the impending battle, which 
he declined. He did this because he had just come into the district 
which he had assigned to General Beauregard and was disinclined 
to deprive him of any reputation he might acquire by the victory, 
if one should be gained. This did not mean that he relinquished 
the supreme command of the army. General Grant's army had 
been transferred up the Tennessee river by boats and was concen- 
trated on the western bank at Pittsburg landing. It arrived by 
divisions, and General Bragg had proposed to Beauregard to attack 
before the arrival of the whole force, but General Beauregard did 
not acquiesce. General Grant's plan was for a continued move- 
ment of his men and General Buell's army. With Pittsburg land- 
ing as a base, the army was to occupy north Mississippi and Ala- 
bama, command the entire railroad system of that section, and take 
Memphis in the rear while Halleck came down the Mississippi river. 
General Johnston suspected the movement and prepared to defeat 
it. General Grant's army in camp consisted of 58,000 men, 50,000 
of whom were effective, and Buell was near at hand with 37,000 
more. General Mitchell with 18,000 men was moving against the 
railroad at Florence, Ala., not far distant. General Johnston had 
determined to attack on the 3d of April. His general plan was to 
attack by columns of corps and to make the battle a decisive one; 
to utterly defeat Grant, and if successful, to contend for the posses- 
sion of Kentucky and Tennessee. On Saturday afternoon while 
waiting the dispopition of the troops, a council of war was held, in 
which Generals Johnston, Beauregard, Bragg, Polk, Breckinridge 
and Gilmer took part. The Confederate army was in line of battle 
within two miles of Shiloh Church, and of General Grant's line. 
General Beauregard proposed that the army should be withdrawn 
to Corinth. He argued that the delay and noise had given the 
enemy notice of their approach, and that they would be found fully 
intrenched. Genreal Johnston expressed surprise at the suggestion 
and Generals Polk and Bragg expressed their dissent. General 
Johnston closed the conference with the simple remark: 

"Gentlemen, we shall attack at daylight to-morrow," and turning 
to one of his staff officers, said: " I would fight them if they were 
a million. They can present no greater front between the two 
creeks than we can, and the more men they crowd in there the 
worse we can make it for them." 

128 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Another council was held at General Johnston's tent that even- 
ing, which elicited the same views and same determination of Gen- 
eral Johnston. At the dawn of day on the 6th of April as the troops 
were being put in motion, several of the Generals again met at the 
campfire of General Johnston. The discussion was renewed, Gen- 
eral Beauregard still expressing his dissent, when rapid firing in 
front indicated that the attack had commenced, and General John- 
ston closed the discussion by saying: 

"The battle has opened, gentlemen; it is too late to change our 
dispositions." He proposed that all move to the front, and the 
Generals promptly rode to their commands. The front line of the 
Confederate army was composed of the 3d Corps and Gladden' s 
Brigade under Hardee, extending from Owl to Lick creek, a dis- 
tance of three miles. Hindman's Division occupied the center, 
Cleburne's Brigade on the left and Gladden's on the right, having 
an effective total of 9,024. The second line was commanded by 
Bragg with two divisions — Wither' s and Ruggle's — Wither' s on 
the right and Ruggle's on the left. This line was 10,731 strong. 
The third line, the reserve under Polk (the 1st Corps), with three 
brigades under Breckinridge. Polk's corps was massed in columns 
of brigades on the Bark Road, near Mickey's and Breckinridge's, 
on the road from Monterey toward the same point. 

Polk was to advance on the left of the Park road, at an interval 
of eight hundred paces from Bragg's line, and Breckenridge to the 
right of that road was to give support whenever necessary. Polk's 
corps was composed of two divisions, Cheatham's on the left, and 
Clark's on the right, being an effective force of 9,136 men in in- 
fantry and artillery. It followed Bragg's line at an interval of eight 
hundred yards. Breckenridge' s reserve was composed of Trabue's, 
Bowen's and Statham's brigades, with a total of infantry and artil- 
lery of 6,439 men. The cavalry, 4,300 strong, guarded the. flanks. 
The total effective force of all armies was about 39,630. 

The Federal army present was about 49,232, or present for duty, 
39,830. At Crump's landing, six miles distant, General Lew Wal- 
lace had a force of 5,640 men. General Nelson's division, of Buell's 
army, arrived at Savannah on Saturday morning, and was about 
five miles distant; while Crittenden's division had arrived on the 

The first gun of the battle was heard at 5 o'clock in the morning 
of the 6th, and General Johnston and staff at once mounted pnd 
rode to the front. 

The Battle of Shiloh. 129 

Some skirmishes on Friday had aroused the vigilance of the Fed- 
eral commanders. Yet, General Grant had telegraphed General 
Halleck Saturday night: " The main force of the enemy is at Cor- 
inth; one division of Buell's column arrived yesterday. I have 
scarcely the faintest idea of an attack (general one) being made 
upon us." 

General Prentiss had, however, thrown forward Colonel Moore 
with the 21st Missouri regiment on the Corinth road, who had en- 
countered Hardee's skirmish line under Major Hardcastle, and 
taking it for an outpost attacked it vigorously. Thus in reality the 
Federals opened the fight. The struggle was brief. The 8th and 
9th Arkansas regiments came up, and Colonel Moore was wounded, 
and his troops gave way. 


Briefly, on the first attack by the Confederates the front line of 
Grant's army was driven from its position, excepting two of Sher- 
man's brigades, whose position intrenched the first line of battle. 
These brigades resisted stubbornly, but their flanks becoming ex- 
posed, they were compelled to give way and take position on 
McClernand's right, which was held until the afternoon, when both 
divisions were driven back. General Grant arrived on the field at 
8 A. M., and ordered Lewis Wallace up with his division, while he 
set to work to reorganize his scattered lines. Hurlbut and W. H. 
L. Wallace were now attacked, but repulsed the Confederates, who, 
however, continued the assault until 4:30 P. M., when Hurlbut fell 
back, and Wallace, being left to meet the assaults alone, fell back a 
half hour later. General Lew Wallace, who, as before stated, was 
at Crump's landing, six miles distant, did not reach the field until 
near night. The Federal army was then crowded back to the river, 
leaving all of its encampments and some 3,000 prisoners in posses- 
sion of the Confederates; it halted after the falling back of W. 
H. L. Wallace, the remaining Federal artillery was hastily 
assembled by General Webster, of General Grant's staff, posted 
on a ridge covering Pittsburg landing, and a renewal of the 
attack by the Confederates was successfully resisted, two gun- 
boats adding their fire. Buell's advance had reached Savannah 
on the evening of the 5th, and at 6 P. M. on the 6th, Ammen's 
brigade crossed just at the close of the day's battle. 

Next morning all of Nelson's, Crittenden's and McCook's divis- 
ions had crossed, and with Lew Wallace's command, some 25,000 

130 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

fresh troops were available. General Johnston had fallen about 
2:30 P. M. on the 6th, and the command developed upon General 

At daylight on Monday General Grant attacked along the whole 
line, but was stubbornly resisted, the battle continuing until about 
4 P. M. The Union line of the previous day and thirty captured 
guns were regained. 

The arrival of Buell's army with its fresh troops made the contest 
unequal, and though stubbonly contested for a time, at about 2 
o'clock General Beauregard ordered the withdrawal of his army. 
To secure this he placed Colonel Robert F. Looney, 38th Tennessee 
regiment, augmented by detachments from other regiments at 
Shiloh Church, and directed him to charge the centre of the Union 
lines. In this charge Colonel Looney passed Sherman's headquar- 
ters and pressed the Union line back to Purdy road. At the same 
time General Beauregard sent artillery across Shiloh Branch, and 
placed the guns in battery on the high ground beyond. With these 
arrangements Beauregard, at 4 o'clock, safely crossed Shiloh Branch 
with his army, and placed his rear guard under General Brecken- 
ridge in line upon the ground occupied by him Saturday night. 
The Confederate army returned leisurely to Corinth, while the 
Union army returned to the camps it had occupied before the 

No general pursuit of the Confederates was made, General Hal- 
leck having issued orders forbidding it, and the Confederates were 
allowed to retire to Corinth while the Union army occupied itself in 
burying the dead and caring for the wounded. 

Soon after General Halleck's arrival and assumption of command 
was inaugurated the "advance on Corinth," in which the most con- 
spicuous and leading part was played by the spade. 

General Beauregard reported a loss of 1,728 killed, 8,012 wounded, 
and 959 missing. The Union's loss was reported at 1,754 killed, 
8,408 wounded, and some 2,855 prisoners. Revised statements 
make the total loss in both armies killed, 3,482; wounded, 16,420; 
missing, 3,844; total, 23,746. 


I have stated that the battle of Shiloh is less known or understood 
than any of the great battles of the war, and gave, what I think, are 
the reasons. 

So, also, the Shiloh National Military Park is much less known 

The Battle of Shiloh. 131 

than Gettysburg or Chickamauga Parks, partly on account of its 
inaccessibility by reason of remoteness from railroads. The only 
public means of reaching it is by boats on the Tennessee river. 
The nearest railroad points are Selma, on the Mobile and Ohio 
Railroad, about eighteen miles westward, and Corinth, at the junc- 
tion of the Mobile and Ohio and Southern (formerly Memphis and 
Charleston) Railroads, some twenty miles south. A gravel road, 
of which twenty-five miles is of very excellent character, has been 
constructed within the park, extended to either Corinth or Selma 
would greatly facilitate travel, and doubtless add many visitors to 
the park. The Commissioners have recommended this, naming 
Corinth as the point, and a bill is now pending in Congress for its 
construction. A survey has been made by the Illinois Central 
Railroad from Jackson, Tenn., by way of the park to Tuscumbia. 
If this is built it will help the present facilities; but even with this 
railroad, there should be a wagon road. 

The park was established by an act of Congress, approved De- 
cember 27, 1894, an d lies wholly in Hardin county, on the west 
bank of the Tennessee river. The Secretary of War appointed as 
Commissioners, Colonel Cornelius Cadle, of Cincinnati, for the 
Army of the Tennessee, Chairman; General Don Carlos Buell, of 
Paradise, Ky. , for the Army of Ohio; Colonel Robert F. Looney, 
of Memphis, Tenn., for the Army of the Mississippi; Major D. W. 
Reed, of Chicago, Secretary and Historian, and Captain James W. 
Irwin, of Savannah, Tenn., Agent for the Purchase of Land. 

The Commission organized April 2, 1895, at Pittsburg Landing, 
and at once entered on its duties. Mr. James W. Riddell was ap- 
pointed clerk of the Commission. Mr. Atwell Thompson, of Chat- 
tanooga, Tenn., civil engineer, was employed to take charge of the 
work. He at once began surveys, and ran parallel lines across the 
field from north to south every two hundred feet, upon which stakes 
were placed two hundred feet apart. From these surveys levels 
were taken, and a contoured topographical chart made of all land 
within the limits of the park. From official maps and reports, in- 
formation received from residents, personal recollections of surviv- 
ors of the battle, etc., roads, fields and camps were restored, battle 
lines and positions of troops located and shown on the map, and 
marked by historical tablets on the ground. 

General Don Carlos Buell died in November, 1898, and Major J. 
H. Ashcraft, 26th Kentucky Volunteers, was appointed to his place. 
Colonel Robert F. Looney died November 19, 1899, and Colonel 

132 Soul hern Historical Society Papers. 

Josiah Patterson, of Memphis, Term., ist Alabama Cavalry, suc- 
ceeded to his place. Colonel Patterson's death followed soon after- 
wards (Feb. 12, 1904), and General Basil W. Duke, of Louisville, 
Ky., was appointed. 

As before stated, twenty-five miles of excellent road has been 
constructed, the undergrowth has been cut out, such of the original 
trees as remained, preserved, and a fine growth of trees forty-two 
years old, grown since the battle, adorn the park. 

The park embraces, in round numbers, 3,675 acres of ground 
upon which there was actual fighting. Of this area the govern- 
ment has purchased 3,325.05 acres. About 350 acres more are 
needed for marking correctly the positions of all the troops. With 
this addition the government would own all the land upon which 
there was any fighting, including the Union camps and General 
Hardee's line of battle Saturday night. 

The monuments in the park erected by States, are as follows: 

Illinois has erected 38 regimental monuments, and one very hand- 
some State monument; Ohio 34, Indiana 23, Iowa 11 regimental 
and one State monument. The latter in beauty of design, excel- 
lent workmanship and solidity of construction, is unexcelled. Penn- 
sylvania has one monument to its one regiment engaged; Wisconsin 
will soon erect a monument. 

General William B. Bate, of Tennessee, who commanded the 2d 
Regiment at Shiloh, has raised the necessary money, and will soon 
have erected a monument to that regiment. This, when in place, 
will be the first Confederate monument on the field. 

The Commissioners have placed monuments to the general offi- 
cers on both sides, and officers commanding brigades who were 
killed in battle. On the Confederate side Generals Albert Sidney 
Johnston and A. H. Gladden were killed, and of the Union Army, 
General W. H. L. Wallace and Colonels Julius Raith and Everett 

These are uniform in size and shape. Though plain, they are 
quite imposing. They are made with concrete foundation and 
base twenty feet square with pyramids of cannon-balls on each of 
the four corners. A concrete second base in the centre is sur- 
mounted by a 24-pounder parrott gun set on end. On this is a 
bronze shield' with the inscription. The inscription on Genera 
Johnston's monument is as follows : 

The Battle of Shiloh. 133 

C. S. 

General Albert Sidney Johnston, 

Commanding the Confederate Army, 

Was Mortally Wounded 

Here at 2:30 P. M., April 6, 1862. 

Died in Ravine Fifty Yards East at 

2:54 P. M. 

The place in the ravine where he died is plainly marked, the tree 
under which his volunteer aid-de-camp, Governor Isham G. Harris, 
laid him, still standing there. 

The inscription on the other mortuary monuments are of a like 

The headquarters of general officers of divisions and brigades are 
marked by pyramids of shells, with inscriptions giving names of 
the officers. The lines of all organizations are plainly marked, so 
that it is easy to recognize the ground over which any body of 
troops passed during the battle. 

The Confederates who fell at Shiloh are buried in large trenches, 
five in number, near where they fell. The Commission has placed 
them in fine order and adorned them with shells similar to the 
adornment of the monuments just mentioned. 

I was there on the 30th day of May last (Decorative Day). The 
Commissioners invited me to a seat in their carriage, and we passed 
to all these resting places of Confederates, and on arrival at each 
burying place the Commissioners alighted and decorated them. 

Hereafter it is expected that there will be a general decoration of 
Confederate graves, as is usual at other places. 

the national cemetery. 

This adjoins the park, and is on a bluff 120 feet high, immedi- 
ately on the Tennessee river. It was laid out in 1866, and contains 
ten and a half acres. There are buried in the cemetery the bodies 
of 1,239 known and 2,375 unknown Union soldiers. It is hand- 
somely laid out, and under the superintendence of Mr. John W. 
Shaw is kept in admirable order. 

There is a very good hotel near the offices of the Commissioners, 
and a general store, where almost any article usually found in such 
places can be had. 

Altogether, the park is a most beautiful one, and the work done 
by the Commissioners reflects credit on their good judgment and 
business capacity. 

134 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Times-Dispatch, September 16, 1904.] 


To R. E. Lee Camp, C. V., at Richmond, Va., September 

15, 1904. 


Among Lee Camp's silent heroes now hangs in an honored place 
the portrait of South Carolina's most famous son, Wade Hampton, 
warrior and statesman, general and cavalier, sans peur et sans re- 

In the presence of a distinguished gathering of veterans and min- 
isters, ladies and gentlemen, who entirely filled the hall, the pre- 
sentation of the engraving that will in time be replaced by a full 
length painting in oils, was made last night with considerable cere- 
mony. On behalf of the donors, the Washington Light Infantry, 
of Charleston, S. C, Company A, Hampton Legion, Colonel Wil- 
liam W. Finney, of this city, spoke words of choice and chaste 
elegance, and was at times singularly happy and beautiful in his 
references to the glorified name of Hampton, of South Carolina. 

In a manner equally felicitous, Governor Charles T. O'Ferrall, of 
this city, in the war a cavalry colonel under Hampton, accepted the 
picture, and expressed to the generous givers the appreciation of 
the camp. 

The occasion was in all respects a most delightful one, and lacked 
only the presence of General Fitzhugh Lee, Iriend and comrade of 
the great South Carolinian, and like him a famous commander of 
the Confederate horse. On account of illness General Lee was 
forced to send his regrets, which he did in a message to the camp. 

One of the striking incidents of the evening was the immediate 
response of the audience to the mention of the name, not of Con- 
federate or a hero dead, but of a statesman and politician, now very 
much alive, indeed — Grover Cleveland. Colonel O'Ferrall was 
referring to the onslaught of Tillman upon the Democracy that 
Hampton represented — the Democracy of Jefferson, Madison and 
others, ending with Cleveland, to whom he applied most compli- 

Presenting Portrait of Gen. Wade Hampton. 135 

mentary terms. The speaker called this name, the last of a noted 
list of statesmen. The audience applauded spontaneously and im- 
mediately. One or two of the old vets shook their heads, but it 
was evident that the name of the sage of Princeton was pleasant to 
the ears of most of them there. 

The camp met in regular session and transacted a mass of busi- 
ness, routine and otherwise,. Commander J. P. Smith presided, 
with his usual grace. He introduced Colonel Finney, who spoke 
in part as follows: 


Commander, Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

I should do violence to my profound sense of the honor con- 
ferred by the far-famed Washington Light Infantry batallion of 
Charleston, S. C, Company A, Hampton Legion, in having me 
represent them on this occasion; violence, too, to my keen appre- 
ciation of the further honor yourselves bestow upon being present 
to-night, were I not, at the outset, to make to all here and in 
Charleston at least the poor return of my thanks for the unmerited 
compliment. At the same time it is, I assure you, with sincere dis- 
trust and unaffected embarrassment that I undertake a duty that 
had been entrusted far more wisely to some other, to any other 
comrade. Indeed, so acute is this feeling that I am restrained from 
throwing down my accoutrements and running away in disgrace, 
only I fear, by remembering our great commander's definition and 
exemplification of the sublime word, duty. This remembrance will, 
I trust, ever hold me to my own duty, if not in all things, at least 
my duty to my old comrades in arms, whether they be living or 

That duty demands that I present, at this time, to R. E. Lee 
Camp, No. I, in the name and on behalf of the Washington Light 
Infantry Battalion of the city by the sea, this portrait of South 
Carolina's most distinguished son — among many distinguished sons 
— Lieutenant-General Wade Hampton — illustrious name! 

How the spirit is stirred and the eye kindles and the heart throbs 
with unbounded admiration and love akin to adoration whenever 
andwherever it is spoken "through all the wide border" of his and 
our beloved Southland! 

What vivid and abiding recollections of lofty patriotism, of un- 
flinching courage, of unsullied honor, of knightly deeds, of master- 

136 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ful help in times of peril: of all manly qualities, whether of person, 
or mind or heart, and all womanly gentleness and melting pity for 
the weak and helpless it evokes! 

In contemplating- the latter phase of his singularly beautiful char- 
acter how peculiarly applicable to Wade Hampton are the words of 
the poet: 

1 ' The very gentlest of all human natures 

He joined to courage strong, 
And love outstretching unto all God's creatures 

With sturdy hate of wrong." 

Notwithstanding, my comrades, a tendency grown somewhat into 
a habit in these later times — a habit more honored in the breach 
than the observance — to depreciate the value of gentle birth and its 
usual, but alas! not invariable influence on one's subsequent career, 
I nevertheless take for granted that no member of R. E. Lee Camp, 
No. i, which tonight accepts any more than any member of the 
Washington Light Infantry Battalion, which to-night presents this 
portrait; in short, that no South Carolinian and no Virginian, par 
nobile fratrum, will sneer when I repeat the well-known fact that 
Wade Hampton was born a gentleman; was surrounded from child- 
hood with all that was wont to embellish the planter's home, in the 
golden life, before "those people" came over the border to forever 
destroy, and left not a hope of restoration behind, not a hope, not 

For my friends (we are all friends who are here to-night, I trust) 
ages may come, ages may go, go on forever; but never again will 
be seen beneath the silent stars, so beautiful a civilization as that of 
our Southern States, in the halcyon days of the quarter century and 
something more, just preceding those four bloody years that opened 
up the pathway to immortal fame for him whose handsome, strong 
face, with its clear-cut, elastic features is before you; is before you 
as I remember him near the close rather than in the heyday of his 
eventful life, in which heyday he is described by the pleasing and 
intelligent author of Hampton and His Cavalry, Mr. Edward L. 
Wells, as being, when in his forty-sixth year, the meridian of his 
splendid manhood, he became Chief of Cavalry of the Army of 
Northern Virginia, "of impressive personal appearance, full- 
bearded, tall, erect and massive; a horseman from life-long habit," 
and (I may well and truthfully add a word here) a grand military 

Presenting Portrait of Gen. Wade Hampton. 187 

chieftain; sans peur et sans reproche, Wade Hampton III, our Wade 
Hampton, of whose military genius and achievements and civic and 
social virtues we think and speak in grateful remembrance to-night, 
descended in direct line from men likewise distinguished in the his- 
tory of the State and country. His paternal grandfather was a col- 
onel of cavalry in our first war, of independence, which we won. 
(Our second war for indepence, which we lost — the more's the pity 
— was, as none know better than these Confederate veterans, that 
from 1 86 1 to 1865.) 

After a review of the life of General Hampton, his birth and en- 
vironment in which he was reared to manhood, the speaker spoke 
in detail of his noble military career and his services to the Confed- 
eracy. He then said : 

In all his engagements with the enemy I have named, and many 
not named, Wade Hampton demonstrated to all the world, for all 
the world was looking on in admiration and in wonder, his right to 
hold in history a place in the front rank of the greatest soldiers of 
ancient or modern times. A born leader of men, a consummate 
strategist, a skilful tactician, with a topographic eye, to take in at a 
glance the advantages and disadvantages of natural positions; saga- 
cious therefore in choosing his ground, his point of attack or de- 
fense; unsparing of self, but ever watchful of the safety and comfort 
of his men; cautious in manoeuvre, but impetuously crushing and 
destructive, in the charge, breaking down and riding over every- 
thing and everyone in his way, towering above himself, as it 
were, as above all others, a veritable giant of battle, in the hurly- 
burly of the intricately entangled melee; none quicker or more ac- 
curate with the pistol, none with more hurcnlean strength or greater 
skill to sabre and thrust, none to ride with firmer seat or more per- 
fect control of his steed; and, with all and above all, none, paradox- 
ical as it may seem, of a gentler nature, of a kinder heart, truly a 
lady-like and therefore loveable man. 

Time does not permit me to dwell longer on the great soldier's 
arduous work and mighty deeds in the red field of gory war; not 
even when that field had been transferred to South Carolina and his 
foot planted once, after an absence of nearly four years in defend- 
ing Virginia altars, Virginia wives, Virginia children, and Virginia 
maidens — had been planted once, MacGregor-like, on his native 
heath, in a vain endeavor to beat back the ruthless, torch-bearing 
invaders, from other homes, other firesides, other altars, other 
wives, other children and other maidens, no less dearer to him for 

138 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

being those of his special people. All this in The Last Days of the 
Confederacy , when the light of its eye was dimmed and gone, its 
quick pulse stopped and the clammy dew of its dissolution had over- 
spread the brow of the fallen giant, the Confederate States of Amer- 
ica. And he Wade Hampton, who had so conspicuous a part in 
that grandest drama, that saddest tragedy in all the surging tide of 
time, he too, a stricken giant now sleeps his last sleep. He has 
fought his last battle; no bugle call can awake him to earth's glories 

Great Hampton ! " with storied brave " 

The " South " nurtured in her glory's time; 
Rest, thee ! there is no prouder grave, 

Even in her own proud clime, 

We tell thy death without a sigh. 
For thou art Freedom's now, and Fame's — 
One of the few immortal names, 

That were not born to die. 

From the depths of loyal, loving hearts we breathe for both, the 
soldier-statesman and his holy cause, the fervent prayer: Requiescat 
in pace ! 

My last word spoken (in feeble portrayal of General Hampton's 
great achievement in war) I had thought to trespass further on your 
generous indulgence by briefly recounting his supreme service in 
1876, in relieving his State, chivalric South Carolina; South Caro- 
lina, much misunderstood, misrepresented and even maligned, but 
grand, magnificent in her integrity and her inflexible adherence to 
the spirit as well as letter of the Constitution, ordained and estab- 
lished at Philadelphia, anno domini one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-seven. 

As is well known, that Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia 
was made up of the duly accredited representatives of thirteen sov- 
ereign commonwealths of nations. Thirteen nations as separate, 
distinct and independent of each other as are England and Russia, 
France and Germany, or any others of the great powers of the 
world to-day. Thirteen commonwealths that then and there sol- 
emnly covenanted and agreed among themselves that their inherent 
rights — that is to say, the rights each carried into the Convention 
(and they were well understood and fully admitted at the time) and 
that were not specifically surrendered, tolidem verbis, for their com- 
mon good, were rights reserved by and to each and every Common- 

Presenting Portrait of Gen. Wade Hampton. 139 

wealth of which no act of any one, or of all the others, singly or 
jointly, could ever legally deprive it. 

It is also well known that without this solemn and binding stipu- 
lation South Carolina's representatives in that convention and her 
free and freedom-loving people at home would have refused promptly 
and emphatically to enter into (and there was no power then, as in 
our time to coerce), would have refused to enter into an alliance 
which afterward proved — and the whole world is witness to the 
fact — so false to those pledges, and so disastrous to the State, when 
the snake she had taken to her white bosom had been warmed back 
to its venomous life. 

And now "those people," or, what amounts to the same thing, 
their descendants and responsible heirs would, forsooth, have the 
world believe and would teach their and even our children to believe 
that the South and not themselves inaugurated the war of i86i-'65. 
With all its horrors and distresses, its desolated homes, broken 
hearts and multitudinous graves, and that only to extend and per- 
petuate African slavery ! Credat Judaeus Appela ! 

It had been my thought, I repeat, to recount this supreme service 
of General Hampton at that crucial epoch of the Southland's his- 
tory — the reconstruction period — but since it boots not now, at this 
late day, to characterize in deserved terms the "bitter, burning 
wrongs" heaped upon the Southern people in those long, oh, so 
long years of hopeless desolation and fruitless effort to restore 
broken fortunes and build up the waste places, I turn from their re- 
cital with mingled feelings of anger and pity for " those people " 
who perpetrated them, and having first thanked you, Commander, 
Ladies and Gentlemen, for your courteous hearing, especially the 
fair and patriotic women, whose presence here is alike an inspiration 
and a benediction, I shall with but a few words more have finished 
speaking, already at greater length than I had intended. 

Not long since the Legislature of South Carolina voted an appro- 
priation for an equestrian statue of her great son to be erected at 
her capital, Columbia. To-night Company A, of his famous legion, 
cherishing still, as in the bloom of manhood, their exalted admira- 
tion and deathless love for their old commander, tenderly and lov- 
ingly commit this portrait to the trustworthy hands of R. E. Lee 
Camp, No. i, in full assurance of its welcome to this, the camp's 
beautiful hall of fame, a worthy companion piece of the worthiest 
here. Nor is there a doubt in the mind of any survivor of the old 
legion or of any Confederate veteran anywhere, that General Hamp- 

140 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ton's predecessors here will cheerfully make room and salute with 
the old time mark of respect and affection. 

Were it for us of R. E. Lee Camp, No. i, to choose an epitaph 
for the monument yonder at Columbia, it were not easy, I appre- 
hend, to find one more appropriate than is contained in the supreme 
testimony of Lieutenant-General Wade Hampton's virtues and 
abilities by his great commander, peerless Robert Edward Lee, in a 
letter from the latter to him in the summer of 1865. 

If I might venture to make a request of those to whom I have 
here so feebly spoken, it would be that they ponder well the words 
therein written and with which I close my remarks; ponder them 
in all their deep and unmistakable significance as they wend their 
homeward way from this hall to-night. In all the annals of war you 
shall find no higher praise of one great soldier and every way great 
man from another. 

What a world of meaning General Lee's words convey ! What 
a world of meaning ! They are these: Listen ! 

" Had you been there with all our cavalry the result at Five Forks 
would have been different." 

Taken in their obvious connection and comprehensive sense, what 
unspeakable pathos in the words: " Had you been there with all 
our calvary the result at Five Forks would have been different." 


After pleasantly expressing his gratification at being so honored 
by the camp on this occasion, former Governor O'Ferrall in accept- 
ing the portrait said in part: 

South Carolina, the first State to secede and lead in the move- 
ment for Southern independence, was the last State to throw off the 
detestable rule of the carpet-bagger; the last to emerge from the 
slough of negro domination. 

In 1869, this mother State of ours wrenched from her limbs the 
shackles of reconstruction and stood a free, independent and sove- 
reign State, yet in 1876, seven years thereafter, the Palmetto State 
was still writhing under the iron heel of a despotic, cruel, ignorant, 
and corrupt government. Her population then was 350,721 whites, 
and her colored population was 572,726 — a negro majority of 222,- 
000. Think of it ! a negro majority of 222,000 ! Five colored 
voters to every three white voters, and the colored welded together 
in a solid mass against the whites. Goaded to desperation, the 

Presenting Portrait of Gen. Wade Hampton. 141 

white people to the manner born determined to strike for their lib- 
erties, their homes and firesides, their lares and penates, come weal 
or deeper woe. 

As with one voice they selected a leader, nominated him for Gov- 
ernor and placed the fate of South Carolina in his hands. He was 
virtually clothed with dictatorial power; his will was the law of his 
people and party. We had made South Carolina proud of him on 
the battlefields of Virginia, and doubly proud of him as the successor 
of the chivalric, farfamed and lamented Stuart, as commander of 
the cavalry corps of the glorified Army of Northern Virginia, and 
they were willing to trust their all to him. In the untried position 
to which he had been called he displayed the same supreme courage 
and superb judgment he had displayed in directing his divisions, 
where cannons roared and the missiles of death flew thick as hail. 

From county to county, city to city, town to town, and hamlet 
to hamlet, he went arousing the men of South Carolina, with 
Caucasian blood in their veins, to rise in the majesty of their man- 
hood and strike for all that was sacred and dear — strike with all 
their might and power. 

His commanding personality, his fearless bearing, his bold and 
ringing utterances, his flushed cheek and flashing eye stirred the 
brave, gave courage to the timid and life to the laggard, and when 
his canvass ended, every true white man was imbued with his spirit, 
animated and inspired, and every carpet-bagger stood trembling 
like an aspen leaf, for, like Belshazzar of old, he could read the 
hand-writing upon the wall — he knew his days were few, and that 
before the setting of many suns he would have to pack his grip 
and seek a more congenial clime. Never was superior civic lead- 
ership shown; never was a civic leader more absolutely obeyed and 


Mr. Commander and Comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen, this man 
had no predecessor in South Carolina, and he will have no succes- 
sor. He wrought more good for his State than any son before him, 
and more than any son that has come after him, or will come in 
future ages. 

His service in the Senate of the United States extended from 1879 
to 1891, two terms or twelve years. From the day he took his seat 
until his retirement he was a conspicuous figure in that august body. 
Every visitor to the gallery, if a stranger, wanted to have him 

142 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

pointed out as a marked and most distinguished member. His in- 
fluence in the councils of his party in that body of many giants was 
powerful, especially as to Southern matters, and whenever he spoke 
he had the close attention of both sides of the chamber— a distin- 
guished honor enjoyed by a very few. He was modest and unas- 
suming, yet zealous in any cause he espoused. He was plain and 
simple in manner, approachable and affable, yet there was a dignity 
that was impressive and commanded respect. He was fond of a 
joke and enjoyed an anecdote, but neither must be coarse; if so, his 
frown showed his displeasure. In the society of ladies he was as 
gallant as a chevalier in the days of knighthood, and his language 
was as chaste as the icicle on Diana's temple. 

Mr. Commander and Comrades of Lee Camp, for you and on 
your behalf I accept this portrait of General Wade Hampton, and 
for you and on your behalf I authorize the gallant soldier who pre- 
sented it, and who, though a Virginian in every sense of the term, 
wooed and won his bride amid the magnolia bowers and palmetto 
clusters of South Carolina — I authorize him to return to the Wash- 
ington Light Infantry Battalion our hearty thanks for their valuable 
gift, and to assure them that it will have a choice place among the 
multitude of portraits of the South's true and loyal sons that adorn 
these walls. 

Mr. Commander and Comrades, somebody has said "that a room 
hung with pictures is a room hung with thoughts." Then how a 
glance around this room must inspire thoughts — thoughts of ensan- 
guined fields, heroic deeds, glorious achievements, blood and car- 
nage — thoughts of martial powers, sufferings and sacrifice — thoughts 
of comrades who fell at their posts of duty, and comrades, just as 
true, who survived the shafts of war, but now 

" Sleep the sleep that knows no breaking 
Morn of toil or night of waking." 

in Oakwood and Hollywood and other consecrated spots, where the 
grass is kept green and flowers are scattered at each recurring 
memorial season by woman's hand, where the cedar and the holly 
grow, and nature's songsters, undisturbed by the hunter, warble 
their sweetest lays. 

Gen. Eppa Hunton at Bull Bun. 143 

BULL RUN, JULY 21, 1861. 

Statement That he Saved the Confederate army From 


A writer signing- himself "C" contributed to the Prince William 
Times of July, 1904, the following interesting story of the first bat- 
tle of Manassas: 

The writer of this has read and heard so many conflicting ac- 
counts of the first battle of Manassas, and commented publicly on 
some of these as to make it impossible to conceal his name if he 
tried to do so. Recently he has been pursuaded to write a plain 
account of what he saw and knows to be true in relation to this 

The Confederate forces had for a week been fortifying at the 
stone bridge against a front attack. I was engaged in cutting a 
heavy body of timber out of the way on the bottom land leading to 
the bridge, so as to enable our artillery to sweep the turnpike and 
adjacent low land, for over a mile in the direction of Centreville, 
and had just finished this work when the enemy attacked at Black- 
burn's and Mitchell's fords. There was so little blood shed, and 
the Federal forces were so easily repulsed, that I began to look 
upon the whole movement as a feint, and believe it is now generally 
so regarded. 

On Saturday, July 20th, I had occasion to ride over into Prince 
William, and met the 8th Virginia, commanded by Colonel Eppa 
Hunton, who had been ordered to the next day's battlefield. We 
were then old friends, and are such still. He had the Loudon Cav- 
alry with him. In a brief interview I told him I believed the attack 
would not be made at the stone bridge, but by way of the Braddock 
Road, and the " Big Woods" (all upper Fairfaxians will know what 
I mean by Big Woods), and also that our people were not picket- 
ing north of the stone house, and suggested that a squad of the 
cavalry be left at my house on the Sudley Road to prevent a sur- 
prise. Colonel Hunton replied: " Your suggestion is a good one, 

144 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

and I will adopt it at once, trusting - you to act for me as commis- 
sary and quartermaster for the time being." 

He sent Sergeant Amos Slaymaker, Private Hansbrough and four 
others whose names have escaped my memory, to my house with 
orders to keep a strict watch night and day, and to report to him at 
once so soon as any Federal advance was seen. This order was 
well obeyed, as the sequel will show. One thing not exactly ger- 
maine to the point, I cannot refrain from mentioning. It showed 
Colonel Hunton's regard for his men. He said: 

" Have you got anything in the way of cooked rations you can 
send my men about nightfall ? They have been marching all day 
long without anything but an early breakfast." I replied "that I 
had not, but said I would go home, have four or five lambs killed 
and cooked, and all the bread we could cook, and send it to his 
camp by dark." 

The servant I sent the provisions by delivered all safely, and in 
doing so had to run the gauntlet of the Tiger rifles. These fellows 
claimed to be Colonel Hunton's men, but some of the 8th being on 
the lookout, came to his rescue, and saved the lambs in short 

Now, to the point. Who saved the Confederates from a disas- 
trous surprise on July 21, 1861 ? I will endeavor to prove that 
General Hunton was the man. 

The people in the vicinity of the battlefield were in possession of 
information that a battle was imminent, and were on the lookout. 
On Saturday evening, July 20th, Captain J. D. Debell, of Centre- 
ville, who had been in our vicinity for several days, came to Sudley 
and remained that night. He believed with me that the advance 
would be made through the route referred to, and Bull Run passed 
at Sudley Ford. He had a field-glass, small, but a fairly good one. 
Exactly at sunset he, Sergeant Slaymaker and myself discovered by 
the use of the glass eighteen or twenty blue-coat infantry inside of 
an open field, and not over thirty yards from the woods road we 
expected the enemy to follow. We were on this road, in a direct 
line, a mile and a half distant from them. Slaymaker sent informa- 
tion to the Colonel at once, and he (Colonel Hunton) sent word to 
General Beauregard by the same messenger. Slaymaker held his 
post until the advance of Tyler's division drove him from it. I re- 
mained at home until the infantry advanced to within three hundred 
yards of me, and retreated to the battlefield. I saw the firing of 
infantry, and the mad rush of the Federals down the Henry Hil] to 

Gen. Eppa Hunton at Bull Run. 145 

get out of harm's way. Taking into consideration the fact that 
Colonel Hunton got Sergeant Slay maker's report at 7:30 A. M., 
and that the battle was on before 10 A. M., I cannot reconcile the 
report of some of General Evans's friends that he discovered the 
advance of the army through a signal station that he had established 
a day or two before on Hooe's Hill, below Manassas, with what I 
saw and know. I am very sure I am correct in my opinion that 
General Eppa Hunton is entitled to the honor of being the officer 
who prevented the defeat of the Confederate forces on July 21, 1861. 

146 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the New Orleans, La., Picayune, June 12, 1904.] 


T. C. DeLeon's Eloquent Tribute to Their Courage. 


The Hospital Offered Opportunities for Heroism. 

The great German who wrote : 

Honor to woman! to her it is given 

To garden the earth with roses of heaven! 

precisely described the Confederate conditions— a century in ad- 
vance. True, constant, brave and enduring, the men were; but the 
women set even the bravest and most steadfast an example. Nor 
was this confined to anyone section of the country. The "girl 
with the calico dress," of the lowland farms; the " merry mountain 
maid," of the hill country, and the belles of society in the cities, 
all vied with each other in efforts to serve the men who had gone to 
the front to fight for home and for them. And there was no section 
of the South where this desire to do all they might, and more was 
oftener in evidence than another. In every camp of the early days 
of the great struggle, the incoming troops bore trophies of home 
love, and as the war progressed to need, then to dire want — the sac- 
rifices of those women at home became almost a poem, and one 
most pathetic. Dress — misconceived as the feminine fetich — was 
forgotten in the effort to clothe the boys at the front; the family 
larder — ill-stocked at the best — was depleted to nothingness, to send 
to distant camps those delicacies — so equally freighted with tender- 
ness and dyspepsia — which too often never reached their destina- 
tion. And later, the carpets were taken from the floors, the cur- 
tains from the windows — alike in humble homes and in dwellings of 
the rich — to be cut in blankets for the uncomplaining fellows, sleep- 
ing on freezing mud. 

So wide, so universal was the rule of self-sacrifice, that no one 
reference to it can do justice to the Zealand devotion of "Our 
Girls." And the best proof of both was in the hospitals, where 

Southern Women in the Civil War. 147 

soon began to congregate the maimed and torn forms of those just 
sent forth to glory and victory. This was the trial that tested the 
grain and purity of our womanhood, and left it without alloy of fear 
or selfishness. And some of the women who wrought in home and 
hospital — even in trench and on the firing line — for the "boys," 
had never before handled aught rougher than embroidery; or seen 
aught more fearsome than its needle-prick. Yes, these untried 
women, young and old, stood fire like veteran regulars! indeed, 
even more bravely in moral view, for they missed the stimulus of 
the charge — the tonic in the thought of striking back! 

Again, taking Richmond as an example, because Richmond was 
cosmopolitan and representative of every section in its phase — we 
find the strangest familiarity of women with danger. Indeed, it lit- 
erally bred contempt. In the early occupation of the capital, 
"Pawnee Sunday," scarce became a laughing by-word. The 
churches were crowded, and fluttering with expectant and well- 
dressed femininity. At that date war was a mere shadow of a name; 
and rigors had paled no feminine cheek, nor denuded her fluffiest 
gown or frill or flaunting ribbon. Richmond women were eager to 
inspect the flounces and furbelows of their incoming cousins. All 
the churches were packed; the one where Mr. Davis and his family 
sat under the then famous Dr. Hoge, literally overflowing to the 

[Mr. De Leon trips in this statement in his entertaining commu- 
nication. Mr. Davis was then at Montgomery, Ala., the first capital 
of the Confederacy, and was besides, an Episcopalian, and attended, 
while in Richmond, St. Paul's Church, under the ministration of the 
late Rev. Charles Minnigerode, D. D., of beloved memory. 

He was seated in St. Paul's on the Sunday of April 2, 1865, when 
he received from General Lee intelligence of the intention to evac- 
uate Richmond, and this incident of the " Dies Irae " of April 3, 
1865, was doubtless the occasion of the lapsus memoriae of Mr. De 

The ludicrous Pawnee scare of Sunday, April 21, 1861, was only 
three days after the passing of the Ordinance of Secesson by the 
Virginia convention. The description of the consternation pre- 
vailing is not overdrawn ; it pervaded all classes of citizens. A well- 
known merchant, of diminutive stature, armed with a gun on each 
shoulder, and a venerable and famous divine, armed with a double- 
barrelled shotgun, were with the frenzied throng, seen hastening 

148 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

through the streets to the defence of our loved city, and Main street 
in front of the Custom House, remained obstructed for several 
days with a quaint, French, brass cannon, a trophy of the Revo- 
lution, and of the reign of Louis XIV, which had been taken from 
the State armory, placed upon a wagon and drawn to the point at 
which abandoned by staid citizens, led by the whimsical Martin 
Meredith Lipscomb, a whilom City Sergeant of Richmond. 

The three heroes mentioned have been for years numbered with 
the dead.] 

There a crowd waited dismissal benediction; the men curious 
to see the new president at close quarters, and the men and 
women alike eager to inspect — and possibly to dissect — Mrs. Davis 
and her brilliant sister, Miss Howell, of Mississippi. It was a balmy, 
breezy Sunday, the whole face of nature and the flutter of society 
alike breathing peace. Suddenly that changed to a nameless, pre- 
dominant and never-understood war panic. Whence coming, none 
paused to ask; possibly the invention of some fear-crazed brain; 
more probably the cruel hoax of some thoughtless wag — but the 
grevvsome whisper ran round every church simultaneously: "The 
Pawnee is coming!" 

That whisper was enough. It caused ten times the consternation 
that the close cannonading for months did a brief year later; and 
it fluttered dainty bodices as the whine of the Minnie, or the whoo 
of the shell over the battlefields did not do in still later trials of the 
leaguer. The "Pawnee" was a not very terrible United States 
cruiser, and her captain was reputed to "Git onto Uncle Jeffs har!" 
as a member from a border State expressed it. First singly, then 
in pairs; quickly in battalions, the congregations melted into the 
outer air. Making history as they went, crowds converged to Cap- 
itol Hill, where the dingy doors were tightly closed for peace, and 

" The great ' First Rebel' point the storied past!" 

Thence it surged into the throng without Dr. Hoge's church. 
That divine had never paused in his reading; Mr. Davis had never 
turned his eyes from him, and the two steadfast women in that pew 
had probably never looked upon a preacher with such strained in- 
terest. So only — by a look or gesture — Dr. Hoge had to silence 
the fear-born whispers. Then when the — surely not lengthened — 
services was ended, that congregation poured into the crowd without 

Southern Women in the Civil War. 149 

pressing close upon the narrow little lane that let the White House 
family through. Then it was rumored that Mr. Davis had denied 
any despatch to him; but pandemonium reigned. Men rushed 
home, flew back to the Capitol Square, with shotguns, target rifles, 
and one stately old gentleman with his dueling pistols ! Companies 
fell in, under any volunteering the command; same started on the 
terrible march to Rocketts, full three miles off; and each courier, or 
staff officer lashing by, followed at a run. None paused to recall 
that the dreaded ship was a single one; and that she would have to 
pass Drewry's Bluff, eight miles below. 

Still the hubbub raged, in spite of formal denial from the War 
Department that there was any ship above Norfolk; until woman's 
wit calmed the storm. Some one repeated Miss Howell's quiet 
speech to her, on the steps of the White House. It flew from lip 
to lip, was caught by popular fancy, and laughed the bugaboo out 
of court " in one round." The President's sister-in-law had only 

" How is the Paw?iee coming; on wheels? These people forget 
that there is no water above Drewry's Bluff, and her guns do not 
carry half the distance." 

Shame brought revulsion that reason had not, and the panic 
allayed itself. I may add that no one paused to analyze either the 
brilliant woman's hydrography or her gunnery. That was not 

On many a Sunday, a few months later, these same women assem- 
bled in their churches and worshipped calmly and unnoting, while 
the dull boom of great guns made dread discordance with the 
hymnal. Thence, bravely as gently, they moved almost as one, to 
Rocketts, Chimborazo Heights, or other hospital, to receive the 
incoming loved ones — of their own kith, or with unknown faces, 
alike — and then — 

1 ' To do for those dear ones that woman alone in her pity can do. ' ' 

During the entire war — and through the entire South — it was the 
hospital that illustrated the highest and best traits of the tried and 
stricken people. 

Doubtless, there was good work done by the women of the 
North, and much of it. Happily, for the sanity of the nation, 
American womanhood springs from one common stock. It is ever 
true to its own, as a whole — and, for aught I shall deny — individ- 
ually. But behind that Chinese wall of wood and steel blockade, 

150 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

then nursing was not an episode. It was grave duty, grim labor; 
heartbreaking endurance— all self-imposed, and lasting for years, 
yet shirked and relinquished only for cause. 

But the dainty little hands that tied the red bandage, or "held 
the artery," unflinching; the nimble feet that wearied not by fever 
cot, or operating table, the active months of war, grew nimbler 
still on bridle, or in the dance when " the boys " came home. This 
was sometimes on " flying furlough," or when an aid, or courier, 
with dispatches, was told to wait. Then "The One Girl" was 
mounted on anything that could carry her; and the party would 
ride far to the front, in full view of the enemy, and often in point- 
blank range. Or, it was when frozen ruts made roads impassable, 
for invader and fender; and the furlough was perhaps easier, and 
longer. Then came those now historic dances, the starvation par- 
ties, where rank told nothing, and where the only refreshment that 
came in, that intoxicant — a woman's voice and eyes. 

Then came the " Dies Irae," when the Southern Rachel sat in 
the ashes of her desolation and her homespun was sackcloth. And 
even then she rose supreme. By her desolate hearth, with her 
larder empty, and only her aching heart full, she still forced a smile 
for the home coming "boy," through the repressed tears for the 
one left— somewhere in the fight. 

In Richmond, Atlanta, Charleston and elsewhere was she bitter 
and unforgiving? If she drew her faded skirt — ever a black one, 
in that case — from the passing blue, was it "treason," or human 
nature ? Thinkers, who wore the blue, have time and oft declared 
the latter. Was she " unreconstructed ? " Her wounds were great 
and wondrous sore. She was true then to her faith. That she is 
so to-day to the reunited land, let the fathers of Spanish war heroes 
tell. She needs no monument; it is reared in the hearts of true 
men, North and South. 

T. C. DeLeon. 

In Memory of General J. B. Hood. 151 

[From the New Orleans, La., Picayune, September 4, 1904.] 


Tribute to the Famous Confederate Soldier. 


Sketch of General Hood's Military Career -Heroic Traits in His 



Note. — Tuesday, August 30, 1904, was the twenty-fifth anniver- 
sary of the death of General J. B. Hood. 

Sadly and wearily, ; 

Eyes dimmed by grief, 
Thou, who has fought for us 
With thy blood bought for us, 
Freedom so brief — 

Slumbereth now peacefully, 

Resteth now fair, 
Could I but have thee now, 
Soothe from thy furrowed brow 
All lines of care ! 

Bleeding and aching wounds 

Counted for naught, 
They did not pierce thy heart, 
Injustice's cruel dart 

Such sorrow wrought. 

Only the victor is 

Honored and cheered, 
But Defeat's martyr must 
To kind oblivion trust, 
Misery reared. 

152 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Yet, where is he so strong, 

Standing alone, 
Fighting with Dignity 
All the Malignity, 

As thou hast done ? 

Though thou art dead and gone, 

Better than fame 
Thou hast to us bequeathed, 
With holy memories wreathed — 
A noble name. 

Slumber now peacefully, 
Thou didst thy share, 
Thou hast not lived in vain; 
Leaving the stormy main, 
Rest thee now fair. 

Busts of brass and alabaster, pillars of granite and basalt, columns 
of porphyry and marble yield to the tooth of time. In the palaces 
of nature even, the vast domes and cupolas, the towering peaks 
and rugged crags, fashioned by subterranean fires or cleft by rushing 
torrents and polished by the sweep of winds, fall victims to decay. 

Men's spirit only lives. Its product, be it the thoughtful measure 
or the kindly deed, the word of wisdom or the noble sacrifice of 
self and substance on the altar to the common good, is never lost. 
Cast upon the broad bosom of the ever-surging sea of humanity, 
deep-running currents, whose secret courses the subtlety of human 
reason cannot fathom, carry it far and wide, into the habitations of 
the lowly and to the mansions of the great. 

Sometimes a man is spared to see it return after its first circuit, 
enriched by the homage of the grateful and the tribute of the just; 
oftener, Time, measured by the stately march of stars, has con- 
quered him. Fate in its irony and wisdom has denied him that 
gratification and silenced his senses. 

Then, when he is resting in his grave, perhaps after a long jour- 
ney over the thorn-studded path of disappointments, and the tomb- 
stone has solemnly mounted its lonely guard to warn off with silent, 
majestic and awe-inspiring gesture the noisy clamor of petty jeal- 
ousies and strife, then the fields and gardens are ransacked for their 
blossoms and a wealth of fragrance is lavishly shed about the grave ; 
then men will rise and outvie each other to do honor to the mem- 

In Memory of General J. B. Hood. 153 

ory of one to whom they had perhaps denied the barest recognition 
while he was in their midst. 

Perhaps 'tis better so. The lasting' monument of Influence, 
based on the firm pedestal of the human heart, needs time to an- 
chor and take root. But once unveiled, it draws with might and 
main. ' Men flock to its foot to find there the inspiration for noble 
effort or the worthy deed, a sculptured image or the graven word 
can never give. The poet's unawakened fire is there lashed to 
flame; philosophers arrest their steps to ponder; the worn and foot- 
sore find repose, and others, weaker than the rest, some comfort 
and some rest. 

At certain seasons the magnetic force of such a monument is 
doubled, trebled. 'Tis then the mind calls afresh in long review 
the life of virtue and of strength, which gave it birth. And so, on 
this occasion, the recurring day of death of one whose memory will 
never fade, stirs me profoundly by the sweetness and the sadness of 
many recollections. 

John Bell Hood was born at Owingsville, Bath county, Ky. , June 
i, 1 83 1. Of an old family, originally coming from Devonshire, 
England, he inherited from his paternal side the military spirit, 
which decided his career, and that absolute, unflinching integrity 
of purpose that knows no bending. No man is greater than his 
mother — in which rule he was no exception. But through her he 
was endowed with those greater traits of character — a sympathetic 
heart, a soul responsive to the noble, great and good — by which 
nature understands to balance the grosser with the more spiritual, 
to make one harmonious whole. 

Overcoming the opposition of his father — a widely-honored phy- 
sician, who intended his son for the medical profession — Hood was 
nominated to the Military Academy at West Point, where he grad- 
uated in 1853. For two years he saw service in California, was 
honorably mentioned in a dispatch in connection with an encounter 
with Indians, was promoted, and then made cavalry instructor at 
West Point, a most highly coveted appointment. 

Then came a day when his conscience bade him resign his com- 
mission. I doubt not, it was a day of struggle and pain for him — 
for the time of terror and upheaval, when the whole continent was 
to tremble under the shock of the cannon's roar, and the insatiable 
thirst of the earth for human blood was to be stirred, was at 

Matters of morals, ethics and emotions do not yield to the rigid 

154 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

application of mathematical formulae. The judge enthroned in 
each individual conscience is the sole and independent arbiter. A 
consensus of opinion of such judges, the highest tribunal on earth, 
is seldom had. One part decided, and if the other, relying on the 
soundness of its contention, refuses to submit, and the matter be 
weighty enough, and all means of arriving at an amicable settle- 
ment are exhausted, hell is let loose; slaughter becomes a motto. 
So the civil war broke uut, and entering the army of the Confeder- 
acy, John Bell Hood became Colonel, and soon after Brigadier- 
General of the Texas Brigade. 

If his military attainments and genius I v/ill let others speak, bet- 
ter fitted for a keen analysis and criticism on matters of strategy 
than I am. 

But he was one of the bravest, who never spared himself, sharing 
with his men all the burdens, the joys and sorrows. He was more 
than merely their general officer commanding, he was their friend; 
doubly so, as they reciprocated his feelings. In the battle of Gaines' 
Mills he received his first wound in the civil war. Promoted for his 
valor to a Brevet Major- General, he served in both campaigns in 
Maryland, was engaged in the second battle of Bull Run, fought 
gallantly at Boonesborough, Fredericksburg, Antietam and Gettys- 
burg, where he was again so severely wounded that he lost the use 
of his arm. In the following September he rejoined his command 
and was ordered to re-enforce General Bragg in Tennessee. 

On the second day of the battle in Chickamauga he fought 
most splendidly, rallying the wavering troops, imbuing them with 
his spirit and charging the enemy at the head of the gallant Texans 
— to fall, badly wounded by a minnie ball. His leg had to be am- 
putated, and when on the road to recovery he was offered a civil 
position, away from danger and personal risk, he refused without 
hesitation. His mind — his blood — aye, his life, he had consecrated 
to the active service at the front. He thought not of his own safety. 
He thought of his country and its cause. 

After six months he returned to the field and was assigned to a 
command in General Johnston's army, distinguishing himself repeat- 
edly during the retreat of the army from Dalton to Atlanta. When 
in July, 1864, General Johnston was removed from the command, 
General Hood was placed at its head. In the desperate conflict of 
Atlanta, both sides lost heavily. The following November, though, 
he compelled the evacuation of Decatur and then made a move- 

Iii Memory of General J. B. Hood. 155 

ment into Tennessee, where he fought one of the fiercest battles in 
the whole war, at Franklin, September 20. 

After the battle of Nashville, General Hood was forced to retreat. 
His opponents were numerically too strong. The campaign had 
proved disastrous, partly through the non-arrival of expected re-en- 
forcements from the Transmississppi Department, and on January 
13, 1865, General Hood requested to be relieved of his command. 
This request was finally granted, and on the 23d he bade farewell 
to the Army of Tennessee. 

After a sojourn in Richmond for several weeks, General Hood 
then was ordered to Texas to form a new army, when the report of 
General Lee's surrender reached him. It was not until in receipt 
of positive information of the surrender of General E. Kirby Smith 
that he rode into Hatche on the 31st of May, 1865, and there prof- 
fered his sword to Major-General Davidson, U. S. A., who bade 
him retain it and paroled the officers and men in General Hood's 
company to proceed to New Orleans. 

A battle is not comparable to a game of chess, in which two keen, 
agile and alert minds, the leaders of opposing armies, are pitted 
against each other in a struggle for victory. It is more like a game 
of probabilities, in which the element of chance plays as important 
a part as cool calculation. For who can foretell the shower of rain 
that will retard the advance of the batteries to occupy their assigned 
places, to cover an attack or to divert the attention of the enemy at 
the preconceived psychological moment ? 

Who can, like Joshua, bid the sun stand still, lest the advantage 
gained during the combat of the day be lost or neutralized through 
the enforced suspension of activities in the night, when the enemy 
may have time to rally and secure re-enforcements. And who, 
lastly, can so control the spirits, so animate the mass of his troops 
that the supreme effort is propelled by " all " the available energy? 

And yet he who has lost a battle has not only to bear the morti- 
fication of defeat, the soul-burning misery of failure, the awful, oh, 
how awful ! feeling that all the sacrifices of life have been in vain, but 
also the almost crushing burden of reproach, which is then dealt out 
with so lavish hands. 

General Hood fearned not the just and unbiased criticism of his 
superiors. So great was he, indeed, so chivalrous, that, should he 
have erred deeply, he would not have hesitated, like Cotton Mather, 
to unbare his head at the corners of the street and ask forgiveness 
of everybody. 

156 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

To mere slander he replied with the silence of contempt. And 
to the unjust strictures derogatory to his fair name and character, 
which were passed on him by his former comrade on the field, and 
echoed by many to whose honor it would have redounded more had 
they held their peace, General Hood replied towards the end of his 
life in a book, singularly temperate and liberal in tone, and free 
from all bitterness. 

Retiring after the war to civil life, General Hood entered a busi- 
ness career and shortly afterwards married. 

" How can any adversity come to him who hath a wife?" said 
Chaucer; and, truly, his wife was more — she was his comrade, coun- 
sellor, friend. A solace in his trials, a comfort in his hours of sad- 
ness, her gentle, winning and so tender devotion sweetened his life. 
Their home was a sanctuary — their union ideal. 

So years of happiness rolled by until the scythe of Time was 
sharpened by the plague. 

Preceded by his eldest child and his beloved wife, General Hood 
followed them to the grave within a week, breathing his last on the 
30th of August, 1879. 

Death, the master of princes and paupers, of saints and sinners, 
of the hale and broken, the happy and miserable — often so cruel — 
was merciful when he reunited them in the cold bosom of the earth. 

He had lived fifty-eight years; not one fraction thereof had been 
allowed to pass without being devoted to the service of his fellow- 
men. Refined by sorrow, purified by aspirations, strengthened 
through self-reliance, and made gentle by an earnest faith in the 
things unseen, he was genial, generous and indulgent towards 
others and severe with himself. His aims were prompted by noble 
desires, and in politics his ideals for democratic action were high. 
He knew his powers and also his limitations. And he had his limits 
as the sun has its spots. 

Above all, the strong force of his character yielded an influence 
no oratory can command, and that influence is not ended — nay, it 
is only just beginning to sprout in our hearts. 

Ida Richardson Hood. 

Gold of the Confederate Treasury. 157 

[From the Times-Dispatch, April 24, 1904.] 


Guarded to Atlanta, Georgia, by the Naval Cadets. 

[See Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. IX, p. 542, etseq., 
and Vol. XXVI, p. 94, et seq.~] 

The following we take from the columns of the Confederate Vet- 
eran for April 1904. It is doubly interesting, because it gives some 
history of the formation of the Confederate Naval Cadet Battalion, 
and bacause it deals with the transportation of the government 
gold from the time when it was taken from Richmond on the day of 
the evacuation until it was put into the bank vaults at Augusta, Ga. 
The author was Dr. John W. Harris, of Augusta, who died in 
1890 : 


It may not be known generally that the Confederate government 
had established and conducted through the last three years of its 
existence a regularly organized and well perfected naval school for 
the education of naval officers. Early in 1862 a prospectus ap- 
peared in one of the Richmond papers announcing the formation 
of an academy for the instruction of midshipmen; and soon after, 
by regular congressional appointments, the various districts of the 
Confederacy were enlisted. 

The school was under the command of Captain William H. 
Parker, a lieutenant of the old service. Assistant instructors in the 
various departments were detailed, some of them ex-students of 
Annapolis, and others men of high scholarship selection from the 
army. The steamer Yorktown, which, a few months before had 
participated in the conflict of the Merrimac and the Monitor as a 
tender to the former ship, was fitted up, given the name of Patrick 
Henry, and anchored off the shore batteries at Drewry's Bluff, 
where the school was quartered in cottages built for the purpose. 
Here she remained for a short time, and was then towed up the 
river to within two miles of Richmond, where she lay for nearly a 
year, with the entire academy on board, and finally, about eight 

158 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

months previous to the surrender, was moved up to this city and 
lay at Rocketts, where she perished in the flames of the 3d of 
April, 1865. 

In March, 1865, the health of the crew became impaired by the 
foulness of bilge water, and the midshipmen were removed from the 
ship and quartered in a large tobacco factory on the corner of 24th 
and Franklin streets. The writer, in company with twelve or fif- 
teen others, had been sent to the naval hospital in the city some 
two weeks previous. 

On Sunday, the 2d of April, there were anxious looks upon the 
faces of medical officers of the hospital, and about 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon a midshipman, coming into the ward to see a sick com- 
rade, met the jeers and amused expressions of many of us because 
he was armed and equipped as an infantry soldier instead of the 
dainty dress of the Confederate "Middy." The visitor informed 
us that at 2 o'clock that day orders had been issued for the corps to 
be armed as infantry, and that they had been marched to the naval 
storehouse in double-quick time and supplied with all the necessary 
accoutrements. Other rumors came in that members of the senior 
class and some passed-midshipmen had been seen as officers in in- 
fantry marching through the streets, and that a naval brigade had 
been formed and the iron-clad squadron at Drewry's Bluff had been 

Then began a bustle in and about the wards, and at sundown the 
statement was freely bandied around that the President and cabinet 
had left the city, and that it was to be evacuated at once. At 8 
o'clock the writer and two comrades drove in the hospital ambulance 
to the quarters of the midshipmen at the factory and found it empty. 
On one of the upper floors was the mahogany table and the silver 
table service of the wardroom, watched over by an old boatswain's 
mate, and, sitting in solemn state at the bottom of it, drinking, and 
eating crackers, was the second lieutenant. To him we mentioned 
the rumors, asked where the boys had gone, and requested to have 
the sailors transport our baggage to the depot from which the school 
had started. These he met with ridicule, denied the evacuation of 
the city and said the " Middies" had gone to Chapel Hill, N. C, 
which would be the seat of the naval academy for the rest of the 
war. He told us to return to the hospital and retire, and the next 
day leave with him and two other midshipmen for Chapel Hill. We 
did so, and on the next morning were awakened by the explosion 
of the magazines. Dressing rapidly, we proceeded to the surgeon's 

Gold of the Confederate Treasury. 159 

office and received our discharge from the hospital, with "permis- 
sion to leave the city." 

On going out into the street it appeared as if the final day of 
doom was upon us. The air was filled with smoke and sparks, and 
the darkness of twilight was over and about the city. Stores were 
being broken open and rifled; dead men — shot down in the attempt 
to rob — were lying at intervals, while negroes fought over barrels 
of provisions that had been rolled from burning warehouses. 
Mingled with the roar of flames came the appalling crash of ex- 
ploding magazines and the rumble of falling walls. Rapidly as 
possible we forced our way through the frantic masses and gained 
the Danville Railroad bridge, only to find it in flames at different 
points, and no evidence of trains on the southern side. Retracing 
our steps, we sought egress from the north side of the city. When 
crossing Main street we noticed two blocks below us, advancing on 
a trot, a regiment of Federal cavalry. They overtook us and rode 
by without observing us, although we were gorgeous in full uniform, 
but without side arms or accoutrements, save small haversacks, in 
which we had stored all the crackers we could get. By means of a 
locomotive, obtained under compulsion, and with the assistance of 
two army officers, we rode twenty-five miles from Richmond, and 
then, having no experienced engineer, and the steam being ex- 
hausted, we abandoned it on a side track and reached the Valley of 
Virginia after days of tiresome progress on foot. 


Going back now to the departure of the midshipmen from the 
warehouse, we can trace the connection of the Naval Academy 
with the fleeing treasury of the Confederacy. For the following 
accurate narrative we are indebted to the diary of Midshipman R. 
H. Fielding, then a zealous and efficient young officer, and now a 
Presbyterian minister of prominence in Virginia. He says: 

" We left our quarters at the tobacco factory at 4 P. M. on Sun- 
day, and proceeded rapidly to the Danville depot. On reaching it 
we were formed in line and were addressed by Captain Lowall, the 
commandant of midshipmen, who told us that we had been selected 
by the secretary, because he believed us to be brave, honest and 
discreet young officers and gentlemen, for a service of peculiar dan- 
ger and delicacy; that to our guardianship was to be committed a 
valuable train, containing the archives of the government, with its 

160 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

money. We were then marched into the depot, where our train, 
in company with others, was receiving freight. Guards were placed 
at all entrances, and the squad, with fixed bayonets, cleared the 
building of loafers and citizens. 

"The train left the depot at midnight, and two midshipmen, 
with two loaded revolvers, were placed in each car containing the 
government boxes, one to sleep while the other watched, in these 
cars also were government clerks, with several ladies, their wives, 
and their personal baggage. The next day we reached Danville, 
and on the 5th of April Admiral Semmes, with the men of the 
James River Squadron (the ironclads had been blown up on the 
night of rhe 2d) reached the point and were assigned to its defense. 
Midshipman Semmes was here detailed to his father's staff, and 
Midshipman Breckenridge accompanied his father (Secretary of 
War) as his personal aid. Our train stood on the track not far from 
the depot, and our encampment was in a grove not far from the 

11 On the 9th of April, we left Danville and reached Greensboro, 
N. C., about 4 P. M., the 10th; then on to Charlotte. While there 
the money was placed in the mint and the midshipmen feasted at 
the leading hotels. On the 13th we were off to Chester, S. C. 
Here the government's specie, papers, treasury clerks and their 
wives, etc., were placed in wagons ior a march across country to 
to the railroad at Newberry. I saw the cargo transferred to the 
wagons, and there were small, square boxes, which we supposed 
contained gold, or bullion, and kegs, resembling beer kegs, which 
we inferred contained silver. The train was not a long one. Mrs. 
Davis and child and nurse occupied a large ambulance. I do not 
know whether she joined us at Greensboro or Charlotte. We 
marched to Newberry, reaching there on the 15th of April, and the 
same day took cars for Abbeville. Left Abbeville with wagon 
train on the 17th, and reached Washington, Ga., on the 19th. We 
went to Augusta, Ga., on the 20th, and here the money was placed 
in the vaults of a bank. Some of it, I know not how much, was 
sold to citizens; at least men crowded around with Confederate cur- 
rency to get gold. On the 26th we were ordered back to Washing- 
ton, Ga. , the things going along with us. (It seems the 'middies 
had playfully dubbed the specie boxes the things.) 

Gold of the Confederate Treasury. 161 


" On the 27th the midshipmen who desired them were offered 
furloughs, which were accepted by all but five Virginians — Quaries, 
Hudson, Slaughter, Carter and Fleming. The things were again 
put in wagons, and across the country we marched on the 29th of 
April to Abbeville, S. C, where the things were put on board some 
cars that stood at the depot. We had no guard duty to do after 
leaving Washington, Ga. On May the 2d President Davis and 
Staff and Cabinet reached Abbeville, coming, I imagined, from 
Charlotte, on horseback. On that day we five Virginians were dis- 
charged, as per the following order, probably the last official act of 
the navy of the Confederate States : 

"Abbeville, S. C, May 2, 1865. 

" 'Sir, — You are hereby detached from the Naval School, and 
leave is granted you to visit your home. You will report by letter 
to the Hon. Secretary of the Navy as soon as practicable. Pay- 
master Wheless will issue you ten days' rations, and all quarter- 
masters are requested to furnish transportation. 

" 'Respectfully, your obd't servant, 

" 'William H. Parker, 

" 'Commanding.' " 

In continuation, Mr. Fleming does not know when the money left 

Abbeville, but thinks it was on the morning of the 1st of May. 

Some money was paid to the soldiers at Greensboro, how much he 

did not know, but says he observed soldiers en route home rattling 

coins in their pockets and singing, " One dollar and fifteen cents 

for four years' service." The President and staff left on the night 

of the 2d. A committee of five discharged midshipmen, through 

Captain Parker, requested Secretary Reagan before leaving to pay 

them in gold sufficient to enable them to reach home. He obtained 

several hundred dollars to be distributed pro rota among the naval 

officers, and the midshipmen received forty dollars apiece. They 

remained in Abbeville until May 7, when they started homeward. 

A few days before the remaining specie had been placed in charge 

of some general of the army, and there personal knowledge of it 



162 Southern Historical Society Tapers. 

This is the high testimony of a man who had followed closely the 
fortunes of the Confederate cause in its death throes, and who ad- 
hered until the last feeble nucleus of an organization had dissolved, 
In the close of a private communication recently received from him 
he says, referring to the imputations against President Davis and 
his connection with the government money: "I have no word of 
commendation for his accusers. Mr. Davis was never with the 
specie train a single day during our connection with it." 

We contribute this as a subject which has never been referred to 
in any written records of the war, and it possibly contains a more 
succinct history of the route pursued by the heads of the govern- 
ment after the 3d of April than any yet given. 

We have ever regarded the safe transit of this treasure through 
so large an area of country as a tribute to the honesty and law- 
abiding spirit of the Southern people. It will not be forgotten that 
the region through which it passed, with its little guard of forty 
boys, was filled with stragglers and unofficered bands of scattered 
and suffering soldiers — men knowing all the pangs of hunger and 
destitution of clothing and utterly hopeless of the success of their 
cause, yet men who obeyed through their sense of right when no 
law existed, and kept their hands free from the stain of robbery 
while boxes of this treasure lay in their midst, with only the lives 
of its slender little bodyguard between them and its possession. 

(The coin belonging to the Richmond banks was upon the same 
train, but on a different car. It was under the charge of the offi- 
cers of the banks, we believe. — Editor Confederate Column.) 


Dr. John W. Harris was born in Augusta county, Virginia, July 
16, 1848. His father was Dr. Clement R. Harris, M. D., surgeon 
in charge of the gangrene ward in Dellivan Hospital, at Charlottes- 
ville, Va. His mother was Eliza McCue, of Scotch descent. His 
early boyhood was spent near Brandy Station, Culpeper county, 
Va. This home was broken up by the war. In 1863-64 he en- 
tered the Confederate States service from Washington and Lee 
University, Lexington, Va., enlisting with Mosby. He could, in 
his vivid and versatile manner, tell of his experience with this com- 
mand, which was varied and oftentimes savored of hairbreadth es- 
capes. In January, 1865, he received from his congressman the 
appointment as midshipman in the Confederate States Navy. He 

Gold of the Confederate Treasury. 163 

passed his examination before Secretary Mallory and went aboard 
the school ship, Patrick Henry, at Rocketts, James river, Rich- 
mond, Va., where he remained until a few days before the evacua- 
tion of Richmond, when, with many of the ship's crew, having 
contracted dysentery, he was sent to the old Belleview Block Hos- 
pital, at which place the ever-memorable morning of the 3d of 
April, 1865, found him somewhat improved, though by no means 
sufficiently strong for the journey to his home, after receiving his 
discharge. He, with two of his shipmates, began a forced and 
weary tramp, however, up the old Central Railroad for Staunton, 
Va. They tarried and rested a few hours with his friend, Mr. 
Pratt, at the University of Virginia, and in due time they reached 
the old homestead at Mount Solon, Augusta county. 

We all know what those days were to older hearts and heads 
than his, but he carried with him to the end the consciousness that 
he had stood by his State through her dreadful ordeal. While at 
the University of Virginia, three years after the war, he formed a 
lasting friendship with his classmate, the late lamented Henry W. 
Grady, whose untimely death he deeply mourned. These two 
friends died of the same disease, only one month apart. Dr. Har- 
ris studied the problems of unity between the North and South, 
and thought that Grady's genius was the touchstone that would be 
a power in formulating this unity of interests. 

During the prevailing epidemic of la grippe, which appeared in 
Staunton in 1890, Dr. Harris was engaged in taking care of others, 
and in thus exposing himself to the weather, he contracted cold, 
which was followed by acute pneumonia, which resulted in heart 
failure, which was the immediate cause of his death, January 24, 
1890. He fell with his "harness" on in the faithful discharge of 
his professional duties. 

164 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

|From the Times-Dispatch, May 8, 1904.] 


Story of the Last Days of the Confederacy in North 


How Injustice Was Done this Gallant War Executive. 

The story told by my friend, Major A. B. Stronach, in his inter- 
esting narrative of a "Boy Rear Guard," in the Raleigh, N. C. , 
Post, of April 17, 1894, of the attempt on the part of certain patri- 
otic ? citizens to persuade Governor Vance, our great war Governor, 
to be false to his oath of office, and surrender to General Sherman 
this city and State upon his entrance into the former on the morning 
of the 13th of April, 1865, has a sequel ! Perhaps I am one of the 
few now living who can furnish the data from which the future biog- 
rapher of that great man may correct history. 

The appointment by Governor Vance of a commission to nego- 
tiate with General Sherman terms for the surrender of this city, that 
would save it from the fate of Columbia, had preceded the efforts to 
force Governor Vance to remain at his office in the Capitol on that 
fatal day and receive and surrender to General Sherman the Capital 
of the State. As I understand it, this commission, consisting of 
Governor William A. Graham, Governor Swain and others, had not 
as yet returned from their mission, as I will be able to show. I was 
at the time a member of Lieutenant-General Wade Hampton's 
staff, who, with the cavalry under his command, was moving on the 
Middle road toward the town of Hillsboro, General Wheeler mov- 
ing by the Chapel Hill road with the cavalry of his command, of 
course, both protecting the rear of General Joseph E. Johnston's 
army, then falling back before Sherman, and having his magnificent 
cavalry under General Kilpatrick in advance. 

Our force was engaged in constantly skirmishing, as we fell back 
slowly before him, and for the two days consumed in this march 
from Raleigh to Hillsboro, we were barely out of sight of each 
other. I had repeatedly warned General Hampton of an old dis- 

Governor Z. B. Vance. 165 

used stage road, which left the city at that time by what is known 
as St. Mary's street, and ran due north from the Hillsboro street 
road. It is now known as the " Upper Durham road/' and comes 
back into the Hillsboro road again at a point some fifteen miles from 
the city. I say that I had repeately warned General Hampton of 
the existence of this road, fully expecting that Kilpatrick would 
have flanked us, though, strange to say, he did not, and seems to 
have been in ignorance of it. Not so, however, the commissioners, 
Governors Graham and Swain! Returning from their mission to 
Sherman, and finding the army of General Johnston had fallen back 
on Hillsboro, they proceeded by the old stage road, known, of 
course, to them, and did successfully flank both armies, and actually 
caught up with us at the point where the roads forked. 


We had stopped for the night at Strayhorn's, nine miles from 
Hillsboro. This was a long, low farm house on the south side of 
the Hillsboro road, the stables, barns and lot being on the north 
side of the road. Here the staff horses were being fed and attended 
to, the officers of the staff doing their own feeding and such rub- 
bing as the horses got. My servant, " Lambert Owens," who had 
followed me faithfully throughout the war, and was as good a Con- 
federate soldier as we had, though the blackest negro I ever saw, 
was engaged with my horses, which was the reason I was able to be 
sitting on the veranda of the Strayhorn residence and talking to the 
chief. Raising my eyes, and looking up the road, I exclaimed: 

"Yonder comes the commissioners!" when General Hampton 
rose from his seat to walk out to the front gate, saying simply, " In- 
troduce me." I went out with him as they drove up and did as he 
had requested. The conversation that ensued was of an ordinary 
character. It was evident, however, that Governor Graham, who 
was spokesman, was detailing the facts of his recent visit to Sherman 
with a reserve, and I, who had known and honored them both from 
my boyhood, could easily guess what it was. He did not tell Gen. 
Hampton of what had passed at his interview with Sherman. They 
drove on, and we returned to our seat on the porch, when General 
Hampton, turning to me with a puzzled expression, asked "what 
do you think of all this?" I answered, laughingly, that I had 
" expected him to have asked them in! " He instantly exclaimed, 
suspiciously, " What do you mean ? " I replied, " Why, couldn't 

166 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

you see that Governor Graham had a letter in his pocket to 
Vance ? " 

In a moment the soldier was alive in him, and with an order in a 
sharp and decisive voice : " Go and get your horse, sir," he went 
into the house and began to write hurriedly. Calling for an orderly 
to accompany me, I soon reported for duty. He gave me two let- 
ters, one for Governor Graham and one to General Joseph E. John- 
ston. My verbal instructions were " to overtake Governor Graham 
and give him that letter (of course a demand for the letter he had 
for Vance). If, not, to follow him to Hillsboro and if possible secure 
it before its delivery to Governor Vance. If I failed to do so, take 
Governor Graham on an engine to General Johnston at Haw River 
and deliver him with the second letter. The night was very dark 
and stormy and I could not ride as rapidly as I should have done, 
and, therefore, I did not overtake the Rockaway, but on my arrival 
went immediately to the station to secure an engine, and wire Haw 
River. Meeting Major Johnson, the quartermaster of the cavalry 
corps at the station, I told him of my disagreeable duty and beg- 
ged him to accompany me; arriving at Governor Graham's residence 
we were promptly admitted, and found the Governor with Mrs. 
Graham in the sitting-room. He said : " My dear, you had better 
retire, as these gentlemen doubtless wish to see me on business." I 
silently handed the Governor General Hampton's letter. He read 
it; his face flushing angrily. Drawing himself up to his full height, 
he exclaimed: " I am ready to accompany you, sir! " I said : "Gov- 
ernor, had you not better hand me that letter ? " He replied : " I 
have already delivered it to Governor Vance, sir!" His whole 
manner then instantly rhanged and laying his hand on myshoulder 
he said in a feeling voice : "I understand, I know how you feel 
your position." I returned to the station, but having failed in my 
mission, did not feel at liberty to take the engine, but proceeded on 
my horse to General Johnston at Haw River in accordance with 
instructions to report facts, through rain, mud and the darkest 
night I ever saw. I rode the eighteen miles, arriving at daylight. 


General Hampton occupied the house on the left side of the 
Hillsboro road, midway between the dirt road and the railroad — 
now the Southern — as his headquarters. It was three miles from 
the town, and owned and occupied by the family of Dr. Dickson, 
they having kindly given up to us the whole of the lower floor, re- 

Governor Z. B. Vance. 167 

tiring to the rooms on the second floor. It was an old-fashioned 
house, the entrance being immediately upon the main or sitting 
room. Around this room we, the staff, slept, General Hampton 
occupying a small shed room in the rear. We also ate in this room, 
when we had anything to eat, and all the work of the adjutant- 
general, Major McClellan, was done here. But the long, old-fash- 
ioned family table was generally bare. It was in this room and 
around this table that, as we sat at supper one night in that fated 
April month of the year 1865, that General Hampton said to the 
officers of his staff: "Gentlemen, a council of war is to be held 
here to-night at 12 o'clock — you will take to the grass." 

That night a train came down the railroad from Haw River, a little 
before 12 o'clock, having on board General Joseph E. Johnston and 
staff, General Breckenridge, the Secretary of War; Judge Reagan, 
the Postmaster-General; Governor Vance, Mr. Leo D. Heartt, ex- 
ecutive clerk, and others whose names I do not now recall. They 
were immediately conducted to the house, one hundred yards from 
the railroad. 

At this council there were present, beside those named above, 
Generals M. C. Butler and Wheeler, of the cavalry corps, and 
others that I am now unable to remember. The object of this 
council was, of course, to decide on the terms of surrender of the 
army, and the purpose of holding the same at night to conceal, as 
far as possible, its object from the men of the command. As it was, 
many heard of it the following day, and left for home. 

We rolled up in our blankets and were asleep under the trees in 
front of the house when the council was over, far into the small 
hours of the night. Some one pointed me out to Governor Vance 
when he came out of the council room, and he came and, without 
awakening me, got under my blanket beside me, preferring the 
open air and grass with a friend to the company of men who had 
treated him so cruelly at the council board, as I was afterwards to 
learn from his own lips. About daylight I awoke from cold, and 
rousing up, found that some fellow had appropriated all of my 
blanket and left me in my shirt-sleeves, my coat being under my 
head. Seeing it was Vance, I carefully covered him up, and filling 
my pipe sat and watched him, tenderly thinking of all his weariness 
and the great care that was weighing him down. When day came 
I did manage to secure for the Governor of my State a tin basin 
with water to wash his face, but he had to wipe it with his handker- 

168 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

vance's anger. 

After breakfast he proposed a walk. When out of sight and ear- 
shot he turned on me and said in a tone of cruel mortification and 
wrong: "I came here to explain that Sherman letter, and they 
wouldn't hear me. Me in communication with the enemy, me mak- 
ing terms for my State unknown to the authorities! Of all men, 
sir, I am the last man they can accuse of such infamy! " Poor fel- 
low — as the tears rolled down his cheeks — the strong man in his 
agony, mortification and shame put upon him by those whom he 
had served so grandly and so nobly! As he covered his face with 
his hands the words Et tu Brute came with force to my mind. For 
four long weary years we had fought and struggled and given our 
all for the cause that now was lost — but God forgive me, as I gazed 
on this strong man in his agony of the shame put upon him, I felt 
all the bitterness of resentment, and for the first and only time, I, a 
soldier of the Confederacy, was untre and disloyal to its colors. 

With one little story of this last meeting of the leaders of our 
cause, I will conclude this story of a letter ! At dinner time we had 
these gentlemen for our guests. Of all the miserable faces I ever 
saw, that of General Wade Hampton was the worst as the hour of 
dinner approached. He was absolutely without even Marion's ra- 
tions, the potatoes with which he dined the British officer ! Calling 
for my horse, I said: "General, I think I can find relief in town 
among my friends; wait until I return." I rode over to Colonel 
Cadwalladar Jones's. This beautiful old home of a hospitable 
race — noted for a century for all that was grand and good in human 
nature — and I laid the situation in the strongest language I could 
command before the venerable lady, who, bowed down in grief at 
the loss of a son, Robin Jones, killed at the head of his men under 
the command of the noble soldier who was now begging through 
me, bread of his broken-hearted mother with which to feed the 
chiefs of the cause for which he had so nobly given his life. She 
instantly arose to the occasion and said: "William, go back and 
tell General Hampton not to be troubled, I will have everything 
prepared in time and send it over." At the hour named a planta- 
tion wagon was driven up to General Hampton's headquarters, 
loaded with servants, glass, china, and such a dinner as only a 
Southern matron could proviae. We never see them now, they 
live only in tradition, but the twenty-five pound turkey that graced 
that dinner I'll never forget this side of the grave. 

W. J. Saunders. 

Jttdah P. Benjamin. 169 

[From the New Orleans, La , Picayune, March 6, 1904.] 


Recollections of the Great Confederate Secretary of State. 


In a memorable address delivered a few months ago in Richmond, 
Va., the Honorable John Goode, in speaking of Judah P. Benja- 
min, described him as "the great." This ascription of greatness 
to Benjamin has often been made tentatively, but the time is, with- 
out doubt, fast approaching when the fame of this eminent man will 
be universally recognized. Benjamin was one of the most remark- 
able men that the United States has produced, and the fact that he 
was a son of Louisiana is one of which the State may be well proud. 
It was the writer's honor to meet Mr. Benjamin a number of times 
and to become well acquainted with him in the summer of 1873. At 
this time Mr. Benjamin was enjoying a most lucrative law practice, 
and had his office in Lamb's Building, Temple Bar, London. This 
pleasant acquaintance was most happily renewed and continued five 
years later, when I was again sojourning in the great English me- 

I had several times seen Mr. Benjamin some ten years previously, 
when he was a prominent figure in the councils of the Southern 
Confederacy, filling the positions respectively, of Secretary of War 
and Secretary of State in President Davis' cabinet. Then I was 
only a well-grown lad in my teens, serving in the army of the Con- 
federate States. I had often heard of the great reputation he had 
earned in the United States Senate before the Civil war. I also 
knew of him as a famous lawyer. I had heard of him getting the 
best of Daniel Webster in an argument before the United States 
Supreme Court. Mr. Benjamin, while serving his two terms in the 
United States Senate, was considered one of the ablest lawyers of 
the country. The brilliant array of talent and statesmanship fur- 
nished the Senate by the South, just preceding the Civil war, was 

1 70 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

well represented by the leadership of such men as Jefferson Davis, 
Judah P. Benjamin, in genus omne. 

After the close of the Civil War Mr. Benjamin at once sought 
refuge in England. He had not been long in London before he 
published a work that soon became a most citable and standard law 
authority. This proved an entering wedge for a most successfully 
paying law practice. For some years the famous lawyer had an 
annual income of ^20,000 — $100,000. When I first met him he 
was about 60 years old, then a most active, tireless worker, giving 
his large practice the closest attention early and late. He was very 
systematic and painstaking. He always appeared in the courts with 
his cases well prepared and ready for trial. He did not believe in 
delays and continuances from term to term; neither did the quib- 
bles and technicalities of the law find any favor with him. 

I was once in his office, when two American heirs — so-called — of 
the celebrated Jennings estate called to consult and employ him to 
represent their interest. In the politest and firmess manner possible 
he would not give them a particle of encouragement; he refused to 
receive a fee, or in any manner represent them — in fact, he told 
them not to spend good money for bad or doubtful and what they 
could never realize. He earnestly and positively informed them 
that no so-called American heirs would ever receive a shilling of 
the Jennings' reputed millions. He laughingly remarked soon after 
that that they were a fair type of their countrymen — " the cleverest 
and most credulous people ever fashioned by a great and just 

Mr. Benjamin was much sought after by Southern men who vis- 
ited London. They all took pride in him and his professional suc- 
cess. They esteemed him for his record before and during the 
" war between the States." His good standing abroad was the 
natural result of his great mental abilities, his perseverance and his 
determination to rebuild his fortunes among his fellows. He knew 
well enough how to take the world — how to capture success. He 
was ever the same suave, polite, considerate gentleman; the man of 
business and of affairs; and a lover of his profession and the pol- 
ished man of the world. He left a grand and just reputation in the 
new world. He was anything but a shiftless adventurer. He soon 
found an appreciative market for his large stock of brains and 
tireless energy. 

He was a generous-hearted man in every sense. Many and many 
a kind act and deed did he perform for his needy countrymen so 

Judah P. Benjamin. 17] 

stranded in London, all from his own bounty. He had a most 
kindly heart for all the men who wore the gray from 1861 to 1865. 
I well remember his stout figure, pleasant face, curly gray locks and 
his laughing eyes; a most delightful talker, a brilliant conversation- 
alist, ever ready and willing to entertain. 

The vignettes on several issues of the Confederate States' bank 
notes fairly represent Mr. Benjamin's handsome features. 

I once requested his opinion of Gladstone and D' Israeli, not as 
orators, but simply from a general intellectual point of view, and 
that comparatively. His answer was brief, positive and conserva- 
tive, and, as nearly as I can recall, it ran in this wise: " I regard 
Mr. Gladstone as the strongest and soundest man intellectually. 
His ideals are nobler, higher. He is the greater statesman, with 
greater depth and breadth. His versatility as a scholar is mar- 
velous; his capacity for persistent and tireless work wonderful. He 
is wholesouled and wholehearted in his undertakings. He always 
convinces you that his impulses are the purest and truest. He is 
ever in dead earnest in his many efforts along every line of honest, 
human endeavor. 

" Mr. D' Israeli is more of a politician and well up in all the sinu- 
ous subtlety of statecraft — a very talented man, ever ready to use 
and adapt all his resources in any emergency. He is a very bril- 
liant and captivating leader of men; the young men of his party are 
devoted to him, and delight in fondly calling him 'Dizzy.' At 
times he poses as a seeming ripe scholar even of very lavish erudi- 
tion. He often tries to impress his hearers with the honesty of his 
convictions; yet many of his most famous and grandest public utter- 
ances lack sincerity. He is entirely different and opposite in mind, 
matter and method from Mr. Gladstone — in fact, the two men are 
so differently endowed, so variously equipped intellectually, it is 
difficult, and it may be unfair, to compare them by any ordinary 
standard of either general or special excellence." 

The first time I called on Mr. Benjamin I presented several let- 
ters of introduction from prominent ex-Confederates who knew him 
in the old bellum days. He kindly received me in his pleasant, 
genial way, and, after a few moments chat, as I was about taking 
leave, inquired if there was anything he could do for me. I re- 
member I wished to attend Parliament the next day. I knew it re- 
quired a member's card for admission. I stated my wish. He 
touched a bell for his office boy and directed him to step over to 
Mr. Watson's office and request him to call in. In a few minutes a 

172 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

clever-looking middle-aged gentleman made his appearance, to 
whom I was presented and my wish stated. Mr. Watson very gra- 
ciously gave me his card, after writing on the back the necessary 
permission. He received my thanks, and after a few commonplace 
remarks, bowed himself out. The next day I " took in " the 
House of Lords and House of Commons; the first I noted with the 
critical eye of an American, the other in a more kindly spirit. 

The next time I met my distinguished friend and compatriot was 
in the summer of 1878. I had been abroad several months and had 
returned to London from Paris, only intending stopping in London 
a few days before going to Liverpool to take a steamer for New 
York. In this interval I experienced the misfortune imposed by a 
member of the light-fingered fraternity in being relieved of my 
purse containing my homeward fare of some $85. My traveling 
companions were in Liverpool waiting for me to join them. I did 
not wish them to know of my loss, so I called on Mr. Benjamin and 
borrowed 17 guineas, which he kindly and cheerfully loaned me; 
and then, without any solicitation, he also very thoughtfully gave 
me a most friendly and commendatory letter to Messrs. Cook & 
Sons, well-known cotton brokers of Liverpool. This firm showed 
me several kindnesses while in their great commercial city, showing 
me the immense shipping, etc., of that port. I herewith append a 
copy of the autographic letter I received from him about the loan 
and which I value for his well-known signature : 

Biarrits, Pyrenees, France, 

27th September, 1878. 
My Dear Sir, — Your two letters of 27th August and 6th Sep- 
tember followed me here from London, and I have since received a 
cheque for seventeen guineas from the National Bank of New York, 
in payment of the amount advanced to you, all which is quite in 

I am glad to hear of your safe return home, and trust you will 
never in future fall into the hands of the "Philistines" again. 

Yours very truly, 

J. P. Benjamin. 
C. A. Richardson, Esq., Staunton, Va. 

After our last meeting in August, 1878, I only saw occasional 
notices of the great lawyer in some of the English papers, and from 
time to time they mentioned his declining health. I felt sad when 
I heard of his death in Paris, May 6, 1884, in the 72d year of his age. 

Judah P. Benjamin. 173 

He was one of the gifted sons of the South when the Southland 
held the ruling power of intellect in the national councils — the peer 
of any man then on the floor of the United States Senate. The 
highest law courts of the country were enlightened by his great 
legal lore, his brilliant oratory, his profound arguments. In all that 
trying period of fierce struggle and deadly trials and heroic efforts, 
memorable months and years of glory and renown and final disaster, 
he was one of the noble and devoted men who gave his all to the 
glorious cause, even to the sad day of Appomattox, when — 

On Flodden's fatal field — 

Where shivered was fair Scotland's spear, 

And broken was her shield. 

He was a noble and gifted man, and, as Hon. John Goode said 
truly and well, " the great Judah P. Benjamin." 

174 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Richmond, Va., Times-Dispatch, Nov. 27, 1904.] 


Company C, 4th Virginia Infantry, at the First Battle of 
Manassas, July 18, 1861. 


With Prefatory Note by U. S. Senator, J. W. Daniel. 

By J. B. Caddall. 

Editor of The Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — In forming his line of battle at first Manassas Jackson placed 
the 4th Virginia Infantry, under Colonel James F. Preston, in rear of 
his artillery as an immediate support, and the 27th Virginia Infantry, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel John Echols, in close order directly be- 
hind the 4th. The two regiments, except without the line of the 
4th, was larger than the 29th, on account of its larger numbers, 
appeared as one body, four ranks deep. To the left of those two 
regiments, and almost at a right angle, was the 5th Virginia, under 
Colonel Kenton Harper, and to their left in the woods, were the 
2d Virgininia, under Colonel James W. Allen (who was afterwards 
killed at Gaines' Mill) and then the 33d Virginia, under Colonel 
Arthur Cummings, constituted the left flank of the brigade. 

When the critical juncture came, Jackson galloped to the right of 
the Fourth Virginia, called for Colonel Preston, told him in a few 
sharp words to " order the men behind, up," and to " charge and 
drive them to Washington! " "Attention!" "Forward march!" 
" Left oblique march! " were the commands quickly given; "left 
oblique," an order to press the left flank of our artillery, which 
was between our infantry and Pickett's and Griffin's guns, which 
were to be charged. 

Mr. J. B. Caddall, of Pulaski, was then in the 4th Virginia, and 
he gives an account, afterwards endorsed, with some interesting in- 
cidents of this regiment. 

It is a notable fact that Jackson's brigade line furnished the first 
immovable obstacle to McDowell's advance, for while all the troops 

The Pulaski Guards. 175 

acted gallantly that day those previously engaged had been unable 
to withstand the weight of numbers thrown against them. The first 
stand of Jackson and his timely onset, alike checked, halted and re- 
pulsed the enemy, and then joined with arriving reinforcements, in 
driving them from the field. 

Mr. Caddall calls attention to the fact that " the rebel yell " made 
its first appearance in the cheer of Jackson's men in their charge. 

The " four deep " line of the 4th and 27th Virginia was a forma- 
tion that we do not hear of on any other field. It proved particu- 
larly fortunate and efficient on this occasion, but it escapes the notice 
of most historians, even of Colonel Henderson, one of the most 
accurate, as well as most wise, graphic and brilliant of military 
writers. The heaviest loss on Jackson's regiment fell upon the 27th 
Virginia, which, namely, 141 killed and wounded, nineteen of whom 
were killed, and this gallant little regiment was afterwards called 
" The bloody Twenty-seventh." 

John W. Daniel. 

Lynchburg-, Va., November 18, 1904. 


On the 23d of April, 1861, in the old City Hall, in Richmond, 
"The Pulaski Guards," commanded by Captain James A. Walker, 
was mustered into the service of the State of Virginia by Colonel 
John B. Baldwin, of Staunton, inspector-general of the militia of 
the State. 

This company, which had been organized a year or more 
previously, was composed of sixty strong, stalwart young men, 
ranging in their ages principally from eighteen to thirty years, 
though there were several older men who had seen service in the 
United States army in Mexico, and with General Albert Sidney 
Johnston on the Western plains. Among the veterans were R. D. 
Gardner, first lieutenant of the company, later noted for his cool- 
ness and courage in leading his regiment as lieutenant-colonel into 
battle; Theophilus J. Cocke, Robert Lorton, John Owens, and 
David Scantlon, the company's drummer. 

This company, designated as "Company C," constituted a part 
of the newly organized 4th Regiment of Virginia infantry, under 
the command of Colonel James F. Preston, who had been a captain 
in the Mexican war. The 4th Regiment was ordered to Harper's 
Ferry, where it was organized into a brigade, with the 2d, 5th, 27th 

176 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

and 33d Virginia Regiments, and the brigade was known as the 1st 
Brigade of the Army of the Shenandoah. This brigade was com- 
manded by Brigadier-General T. J. Jackson, and constituted a part 
of General Joseph E. Johnston's command in the Valley of Virginia 
on the 18th of July, 1861. General Johnston, with his forces from 
the Valley, was ordered to join General Beauregard at Manassas. 
In the disposition of the forces, Beauregard occupied a line along 
Bull Run on July 21, 1861. General Johnston was on his left, with 
his line thrown back at something like a right angle below the stone 
bridge, to protect the left flank of the army. Jackson's brigade 
was placed on the left of Hampton, Bartow and Bee, which com- 
mands had previously taken positions on the field, and General Jack- 
son made the following disposition of his force: The Rockbridge 
Artillery, under the Rev. W. N. Pendleton, as captain, which had 
been attached to the brigade, was placed in position on the crest of 
the hill to the right of the Henry house, commanding the plateau 
towards the stone house on the Sudley road. Immediately in the 
rear of and supporting this battery was the 4th Regiment, under 
Colonel James F. Preston, with the 27th Regiment, under Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel John Echols, formed a few paces in its rear. The 5th 
Regiment was on the right of the brigade, and the 33d and 2d Vir- 
ginia Regiments on the left. This position was maintained for two 
hours in a broiling July sun in an open field, subjected to a fire from 
the artillery of the enemy from which the two regiments, 4th and 
27th, immediately in rear of the battery, suffered serious loss. 

At about 3 o'clock the enemy had pushed forward a strong col- 
umn of infantry and artillery, and had arrived in close proximity of 
Jackson's left flank near the Henry House. At this time the men 
of the 4th Regiment were lying flat on their faces on the ground in 
the rear of the battery to escape the heavy artillery fire of the enemy 
when we were called to attention and ordered forward on the double- 
quick, and on an oblique move to the left over a stake and brush 
fence, through a skirt of pines and subject to a heavy fire of mus- 
ketry. In a very few minutes we were in close contact with the 
ranks of the enemy of which a very conspicuous body was a Zouave 
Regiment from New York, with highly decorated uniforms, con- 
sisting of loosely fitting red breeches, blue blouses, with Turkish 
tassel as headgear. Jackson's men rushed at them, with fixed bayo- 
nets, every man yelling at the top of his voice. Here was the ori- 
gin of the " Rebel yell," which afterwards became so conspicuous 
in later battles of the Army of Northern Virginia. The men fired 

The Pulaski Guards. 177 

as rapidly as they could load their old smooth-bore muskets, and in 
a few minutes the Confederates were in full possession of that part 
of the field, and a fine battery of field artillery, Ricketts, which 
was in position near the Henry House, was captured. 

The charge of Jackson's brigade on that day turned the tide of 
battle, which to that time had seemed against the Confederates, and 
in a short time there was not to be seen an organized body of Fed- 
erals south of Bull Run, but their forces were in rapid retreat toward 

Company "C," of which the writer was a member, was the color, 
or flag company of the regiment, and suffered a heavy loss — seven 
killed and twenty-three wounded. The flagstaff was shot in two, 
the color-bearer immediately repairing the damage by lashing a 
bayonet over the break and proceeded with the regiment in the 

David H. Scantlon, who was an enlisted member of Company C, 
4th Virginia Infantry (Pulaski Guards), had seen service in the 
Mexican war and was an expert drummer. He was noted for his 
orderly habits and his strict obedience and observance of military 
discipline. He was drummer for the volunteer company before en- 
tering the Confederate army, and they had bought for his use a 
handsome brass kettle drum, which had a clear, ringing tone. 
Scantlon prized this drum very highly, and at all times exercised 
for it the most scrupulous care. In the army he was chief drum- 
mer for the regiment, and always seemed filled with enthusiasm 
when, with two other drums and the shrill notes of a couple of fifes 
playing "Highland Mary," or " The Girl I Left Behind Me," he 
marched at the head of the regiment at dress parade or in review. 

Scantlon accompanied the 4th Regiment in the charge of the 
battle of Manassas, and after the capture of the Rickett's Battery, 
the regiment being in some confusion, he was ordered by Colonel 
Preston to beat "the rally," which he immediately proceeded to 
do, after first having turned his back to the enemy. On being 
asked by an officer near him why he turned his back to the enemy, 
he replied: 

" Do you suppose I w>nt the Yankees to shoot a hole through 
my new brass drum ?' ' 

One more humourous incident: While the 4th was lying in the 
rear of the Rockbridge Artillery, the men flat on their faces to 
lessen the exposure to the heavy artillery fire of the enemy, and 
while their shells were shrieking very close over us or exploding 

178 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

about us, a member of the company was very zealously and earn- 
estly calling upon the Lord for mercy, for protection, and for help 
in the time of such imminent danger. During his devotions he 
would tell the Lord that he had been all through Mexico, but he 
had never seen anything half so bad as that; just then another 
shell would whistle over in very close proximity, when with the 
greatest earnestness he would exclaim: 

" Oh, Lord, have mercy on me! " 

At this point a comrade near his side would respond : " Me, too, 
Lord," whether from inability to frame his own supplications or in 
a spirit of humor, no one then present took occasion to enquire. 

J. B. Caddall, 

Co. C, 4th Va. Infantry. 

[From the Richmond, Va., News-Leader, June 14, 1934.] 


Before the United Confederate Veterans, at Nashville, 
Tenn., June 14th, 1904. 

The following is the address delivered by Lieutenant-General 
Stephen D. Lee, commander-in-chief United Confederate Veterans, 
at Nashville, Tenn. : 

" It is impossible forme to respond to the kindly and cordial 
welcome so fitly spoken to my comrades who wore the gray without 
thinking of the great soldier and orator upon whom this duty would 
have fallen if he had not been taken from us. It was in historic 
Nashville, seven years ago, that his eloquent voice gave utterance 
to the gratitude of our hearts to the citizens of this beautiful 
city for the hospitality for which they are famous, and which 
to-day has laid us under new obligations. It was here that he 
placed in your hands his commission as your chieftain and sought 
to retire into private station. With an outburst of loyal devotion, 
resistless as the whirlwind, you again called him to be your leader 
and gave him the commission of your unmeasured love and confi- 

Address of Gen. Stephen D. Lee. 179 

" He was true to your service to the last. His noble voice is 
hushed forever. He has answered the great roll-call. He has con- 
quered the last enemy. He has joined his great commander in the 
white hosts of peace. The armies of the Confederacy have marched 
to fame's eternal camping-ground, and we who meet to-day are 
only the belated stragglers of that mighty host who have entered 
into their immortality. 

' The living are the brave and noble, 
But the dead were the bravest of all.' 

" As I listened to the eloquent and comforting addresses of wel- 
come it was impossible for me not to remember an occasion now 
nearly forty years past, when some of us yearned to enjoy the hospi- 
tality of Nashville. Many of her citizens would at that time have 
been glad to see us, but not half as much so as we would have been 
to see them. Between us and these hospitable homes there stretched 
a wall of fire, and instead of your cordial greetings we heard the 
thunder of guns. 

" This time, however, we have kept our engagements better, and 
our good will has made us more than conquerors. We have en- 
tered into this city of great men and great memories. We have 
beheld your educational institutions, sending light and hope into 
the remotest corners of our beloved land. We have made pilgrim- 
ages to the graves of your mighty dead; we have been refreshed by 
your hospitality. 


" The Confederate soldier does not forget that from the bosom of 
this old Commonwealth came 115,000 men to follow the banners of 
Lee and Johnston, and that more than 31,000 were enlisted in the 
armies of the Union. Tennesseeans believe with their hearts' blood. 
They did not count the cost when the great question of State or 
nation had to be settled with drawn swords. They spent the last 
drop of blood, the last mine of treasure for the defense of Tennes- 
see, their mother and their sovereign. 

"We, the witnesses of that great sacrifice, can never cease to 
honor Tennessee for the blood of her sons, for the tears and prayers 
of her daughters, for the indomitable spirit which rebuilt the 
ruined homes, which sowed the blasted fields, which has wrenched 
prosperity from field and mountain and has made this wonderful 
land once more a thing of beauty and pride to every Southern heart. 

1 80 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

You have done well, men and women of Tennessee. With peace- 
ful hands you have won back more than your fathers lost. 

"I wonder sometimes whether, when the great balances of the 
universe are poised and the great judgments of the Ancient of Days 
are rendered, whether even when the last human history is written 
of the war between the States, and the slow verdict of remote pos- 
terity is taken, the cause we loved will seem as lost as it once seemed 
to us. It may be that in the providence of God and the develop- 
ment of humanity these fearful sacrifices were necessary for the 
highest good of this nation and of the world. Truly in human ex- 
perience, without the shedding of blood, there is no redemption. 
Rather let us believe that the world is richer and better, purer and 
greater for the tragic story of forty years ago, and that the shed 
blood has brought blessing, honor, glory and power, incorruptible 
treasures of which a brave and noble people can never be despoiled. 


" It is a source of joy to every one of us, as we make our annual 
pilgrimage to meet together, when we saw how prosperous our 
country has grown. At last I think we all feel that the prosperity 
of the land is assured. When the savings of all previous genera- 
tions were consumed in the common disaster, it seemed for a while 
as if the South has to face the bitterness of poverty for generations 
to come. Statesmanship, literature, art, culture, flowers of leisure 
and opportnnity were to remain forever withered on the soil once so 
congenial; nothing was to be left but the hard struggle with adver- 
sity till the bitter end. 

" I think we are fully convinced now that the South is fully on 
its feet again. In material prosperity we have now not only 
reached, but have surpassed the achievements of our fathers; yet, 
when I look about me for the men who are to enter into the 
garden which you, my brave comrades, have made blossom under 
such hard conditions, I cannot but be sensible to the incomparable 
loss which the South sustained. The tongues which would have 
commanded the applause of senates were never heard after the cry 
of battle was over; the genius that might have directed the counsel 
of nations breathed its last upon some forgotten skirmish line. The 
very flower and pride of our people perished in our battle front and 
the blood of our race lost much of its most magnificent strain when 
they went to their graves. 

Address of Gc». Stephen D. Lee. 181 

" I hold no view of Southern degeneracy, but I deplore the irre- 
parable loss to my country and the coming generations when those 
splendid men, the bravest and best the world has ever held, went 
down in death. Some one has said that every generation must 
have its war. If so, in God's name let it not be a real war. The 
burning houses, the wasted fields, the ravaged cities — I could see 
them all go until the wilderness was back again, and contain my 
grief; but I can never bear to think of the strength and beauty, the 
manly courage, the stubborn nerve, the pure chivalry, the peerless 
devotion, the unstinted faith and loyalty which went into the bat- 
tle's deadly front and never returned. It is the loss of men like 
these that made the South poor indeed — a loss that can never be 
restored, not in forty years! No, not in forty centuries! 


" But, my comrades, it is a great comfort to know that the South 
had such men to lose. It was a revelation to the world. It was a 
revelation to ourselves. What a magnificent race of men; what a 
splendid type of humanity! What courage, what grandeur of 
spirit! What patriotism! What self-sacrifice! It was sublime. It 
is wonderful beyond compare. Not all were conquered. Some of 
these men came back. I see them before me now. God has boun- 
tifully prolonged their days that they may illustrate to the next 
generation the civic virtues, that they may tell the wondrous story 
of those days, that they may stir up in the hearts of youth the em- 
ulation of virtue, the passion for noble achievements, the spirit of 

"As the close of our days draw near and the work of upbuilding 
our country passes on into younger and stronger hands, let us make 
it our mission, comrades, to tell the story. Do not let your chil- 
dren and grandchildren forget the cause for which we suffered. 
Tell it no.t in anger. Tell it not in grief. Tell it not in revenge. 
Tell it proudly as fits a soldier. There is no shame in all the his- 
tory. Dwell on the gallant deeds, the pure motives, the unselfish 
sacrifice. Tell of the hardships endured, the battles fought, the 
men who bravely lived, the men who nobly died. Your dead com- 
rades shall live again in your words. 


"The infinite pity and glory of it all will awake the hearts of 
those who listen and they will never forget. Tell them of Albert 

182 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Sidney Johnston, of Stonewall Jackson, of Stuart, with his waving 
plume; of Forest, with his scorn of death. Tell them of Wade 
Hampton and Gordon, the Chevalier Bayards of the South. Tell 
them of Zollicoffer, of Pat. Cleburne and Frank Cheatham, of Pel- 
ham, of Ashby. Tell them of the great soldier with the spotless 
sword and the spotless soul who sleeps at Lexington, in the Valley 
of Virginia. Tell them of the great president, who bore upon his 
sad heart the sorrows of all his people, and upon whom fell all the 
blows which passed them over. 

" This, my comrades, is your last commission. Do this for the 
dead, that they may be loved and honored still. Do this for the 
living, that they may also become worthy of love and honor. 
Do this for your couutry, that when the time is ripe she may again 
be rich in heroes and in noble deeds. 

" ' Shall not the self-same soil bring forth the self-same men? ' 

" When the great account is taken which page, think you, my 
countrymen, will the South most willingly spare ? Will it be the 
old page, torn and ragged, stained with blood and tears, which tells 
the story of secession and defeat, or will it be the new page of the 
latest census with its magnificent figures of wealth and prosperity ? 

Whatever she chooses, give us old soldiers the old page to read 
and read again. This blood and those tears mean more to us than 
to all the world. The cause in which they were shed will never be 
lost to us and the love we gave it will not die till the last gray jacket 
is folded and the last gray head is buried beneath the sod. 

" My comrades, neither do I believe our descendants will ever 
hesitate to make the same choice. The people of the South would 
not exchange the story of the Confederacy for the wealth of the 
world. At their mother's knee the coming generations shall learn 
from that tragic history what deeds make men great and nations 
glorious. A people who do not cherish their past will never have a 
future worth recording. The time is even now that the whole peo- 
ple of the United States are proud of the unsurpassed heroism, self- 
sacrifices and faithfulness of the soldiers and people of the Confed- 
eracy.' " 

The Battle of Gettysburg. 18: 

[From the Times-Dispatch, April 10, 1904.] 


And the Charge of Pickett's Division. 


With Prefatory Note by U. S. Senator John W. Daniel. 

[Very much has been published regarding the momentous battle 
of Gettysburg, but the following additions can but be welcome to 
our readers. Reference may be made to a?ite p. 33 and preceding 
volumes of the Southern Historical Society Papers, particularly the 
early volumes, II-X inclusive. — Editor.] 

Washington, D. C, March 30, 1904. 

Editor of the Times- Dispatch: 

Sir, — Enclosed are accounts of the charge at Gettysburg by 
two officers of Pickett's Division of high reputation for courage and 
reliability — the one being Lieutenant-Colonel Rawley W. Martin, 
then of the 53d Virginia Infantry, Armistead's Brigade, and the 
other Captain John Holmes Smith, of the Lynchburg Home Guard, 
who, after Lieutenant-Colonel Kirk wood Otey, and Major Risque 
Hutter, were wounded in that battle, commanded the nth Virginia 

In 1897 Commander Sylvester Chamberlain, of an Association of 
United States Naval Veterans, of Buffalo , New York, wrote to Col- 
onel Martin (now Dr. Martin, of Lynchburg, Va.), asking him to 
recount the charge, saying: 

"The charge of Pickett's Division outrivals the storied heroism of 
the Old Guard of Napoleon. They knew no such battle as that of 
Gettysburg, and, I believe, the old First Confederate Army Corps 
could have whipped the best two corps in Napoleon's army, taken 
in the zenith of his fame." 

Dr. Martin wrote this paper under the call from a Northern camp 

184 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Captain John Holmes Smith was with his regiment on the right 
wing of Pickett's charge, under Kemper, and struck the Federal 
line to the right of where General Armistead made the break. The 
soldiers of Kemper there took the Federal entrenchments, and re- 
mained about twenty minutes in possession of them. Twice cour- 
iers were sent back for reinforcements. Slowly, but surely, the 
details of this magnificent exploit of war come to light; and the 
more brilliant does it appear. Slowly, and surely, also do the evi- 
dences gather that point toward the responsible agents of the failure 
that ensued. 


Jno. W. Daniel. 


Lynchburg, Va., August n, 1897. 

Commander Sylvester Chamberlain, Buffalo, N. Y. : 

My dear Sir, — In the effort to comply with your request to 
describe Pickett's charge at Gettysburg, I may unavoidably repeat 
what has often been told before, as the position of troops, the can- 
nonade, the advance, and the final disaster are familiar to all who 
have the interest or the curiosity to read. My story will be short, 
for I shall only attempt to describe what fell under my own observ- 

You ask for a description of the " feelings of the brave Virginians 
who passed through that hell of fire in their heroic charge on Cem- 
etery Ridge." The esprit du corps could not have been better; 
the men were in good physical condition, selfreliant and determined. 
They felt the gravity of the situation, for they knew well the metal 
of the foe in their front; they were serious and resolute, but not 
disheartened. None of the usual jokes, common on the eve of 
battle, were indulged in, for every man felt his individual responsi- 
bility, and realized that he had the most stupendous work of his 
life before him; officers and men knew at what cost and at what 
risk the advance was to be made, but they had deliberately made 
up their minds to attempt it. I believe the general sentiment of 
the division was that they would succeed in driving the Federal line 
from what was their objective point; they knew that many, very 
many, would go down under the storm of shot and shell which 
would greet them when their gray ranks were spread out to view, 
but it never occurred to them that disaster would come after they 

The Battle of Gettysburg. 185 

once placed their tattered banners upon the crest of Seminary 


I believe if those men had been told: " This day your lives will 
pay the penalty of your attack upon the Federal lines," they would 
have made the charge just as it was made. There was no strag- 
gling, no feigned sickness, no pretence of being overcome by the 
intense heat; every man felt that it was his duty to make that fight; 
that he was his own commander, and they would have made the 
charge without an officer of any description; they only needed to 
be told what they were expected to do. This is as near the feeling 
of the men of Pickett's Division on the morning of the battle as I 
can give, and with this feeling they went to their work. Many of 
them were veteran soldiers, who had followed the little cross of stars 
from Big Bethel to Gettysburg; they knew their own power, and 
they knew the temper of their adversary; they had often met be- 
fore, and they knew the meeting before them would be desperate 
and deadly. 


Pickett's three little Virginia brigades were drawn up in two lines, 
Kemper on the right (xst, 3d, 7th, nth and 24), Garnett on the 
left (8th, 18th, 19th, 28th and 56th), and Armistead in the rear and 
center (9th, 14th, 38th, 53d and 57th) Virginia Regiments, covering 
the space between Kemper's left and Garnett's right flanks. This 
position was assigned Armistead, I suppose, that he might at the 
critical moment rush to the assistance of the two leading brigades, 
and if possible, put the capstone upon their work. We will see 
presently how he succeeded. The Confederate artillery was on the 
crest of Seminary Ridge, nearty in front of Pickett; only a part of 
the division had the friendly shelter of the woods; the rest endured 
the scorching rays of the July sun until the opening of the cannon- 
ade, when the dangers from the Federal batteries were added to 
their discomfort. About 1 o'clock two signal guns were fired by 
the Washington Artillery, and instantly a terrific cannonade was 
commenced, which lasted for more than an hour, when suddenly 
everything was silent. Every man knew what that silence por- 
tended. The grim blue battle line on Seminary Ridge began at 
once to prepare for the advance of its antagonists; both sides felt 
that the tug of war was about to come, and. that Greek must meet 
Greek as they had never met before. 

186 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


From this point, I shall confine my description to events con- 
nected with Armistead's brigade, with which I served. Soon after 
the cannonade ceased, a courier dashed up to General Armistead, 
who was pacing- up and down in front of the 53d Virginia Regiment, 
his batallion of direction (which I commanded in the charge and at 
the head of which Armistead marched), and gave him the order 
from General Pickett to prepare for the advance. At once the com- 
mand ' 'Attention, battalion ! " rang out clear and distinct. Instantly 
every man was on his feet and in his place; the alignment was made 
with as much coolness and precision as if preparing for dress par- 
ade. Then Armistead went up to the color sergeant of the 53d 
Virginia Regiment and said: " Sergeant, are you going to put those 
colors on the enemy's works to-day?" The gallant fellow replied: 
" I will try, sir, and if mortal man can do it, it shall be done." It 
was done, but not until this brave man, and many others like him, 
had fallen with their faces to the foe; bur never once did that ban- 
ner trail in the dust, for some brave fellow invariably caught it as it 
was going down, and again bore it aloft, until Armistead saw its 
tattered folds unfurled on the very crest of Seminary Ridge. 


After this exchange of confidence between the general and the 
color-bearer, Armistead commanded: " Right shoulder, shift arms. 
Forward, march." They stepped out at quick time, in perfect 
order and alignment — tramp, tramp, up to the Emmittsburg road; 
then the advancing Confederates saw the long line of blue, nearly 
a mile distant, ready and awaiting their coming. The scene was 
grand and terrible, and well calculated to demoralize the stoutest 
heart; but not a step faltered, not an elbow lost the touch of its 
neighbor, not a face blanched, for these men had determined to do 
their whole duty, and reckoned not the cost. On they go; at about 
1,100 yards the Federal batteries opened fire; the advancing Con- 
federates encounter and sweep before them the Federal skirmish 
line. Still forward they go; hissing, screaming shells break in their 
front, rear, on their flanks, all about them, but the devoted band, 
with the blue line in their front as their objective point, press for- 
ward, keeping step to the music of the battle. The distance be- 
tween the opposing forces grows less and less, until suddenly the 

The Battle of Getti/shnnj. 187 

infantry behind the rock fence poured volley after volley into the 
advancing ranks. The men fell like stalks of grain before the 
reaper, but still they closed the gaps and pressed forward through 
that pitiless storm. The two advance brigades have thus far done 
the fighting. Armistead has endured the terrible ordeal without 
firing a gun; his brave followers have not changed their guns from 
the right shoulder. Great gaps have been torn in their ranks; their 
field and company officers have fallen; color-bearer after color- 
bearer has been shot down, but still they never faltered. 


At the critical moment, in respone to a request from Kemper, 
Armistead, bracing himself to the desperate blow, rushed forward 
to Kemper's and Garnett's line, delivered his fire, and with one su- 
preme effort planted his colors on the famous rock fence. Armis- 
tead himself, with his hat on the point of his sword, that his men 
might see it through the smoke of battle, rushed forward, scaled the 
wall, and cried: " Boys, give them the cold steel! " By this time, 
the Federal hosts lapped around both flanks and made a counter 
advance in their front, and the remnant of those three little brigades 
melted away. Armistead himself had fallen, mortally wounded, 
under the guns he had captured, while the few who followed him 
over the fence were either dead or wounded. The charge was 
over, the sacrifice had been made, but, in the words of a Federal 
officer: " Banks of heroes they were; they fled not, but amidst that 
still continuous and terrible fire they slowly, sullenly recrossed the 
plain — all that was left of them — but few of the five thousand." 


When the advance commenced General Pickett rode up and 
down in rear of Kemper and Garnett, and in this position he con- 
tinued as long as there was opportunity of observing him. When 
the assault became so fierce that he had to superintend the whole 
line, I am sure he was in his proper place. A few years ago Pick- 
ett's staff held a meeting in the city of Richmond, Va. , and after 
comparing recollections, they published a statement to the effect 
that he was with the division throughout the charge; that he made 
an effort to secure reinforcements when he saw his flanks were being- 
turned, and one of General Garnett's couriers testified that he car- 
ried orders from him almost to the rock fence. From my knowl- 
edge of General Pickett I am sure he was where his duty called him 

188 Southern. Historical Society Papers. 

throughout the engagement. He was too fine a soldier, and had 
fought too many battles not to be where he was most needed on 
that supreme occasion of his military life. 

The ground over which the charge was made was an open terrene, 
with slight depressions and elevations, but insufficient to be service- 
able to the advancing column. At the Emmettsburg road, where 
the parallel fences impeded the onward march, large numbers were 
shot down on account of the crowding at the openings where the 
fences had been thrown down, and on account of the halt in order 
to climb the fences. After passing these obstacles, the advancing 
column deliberately rearranged its lines and moved forward. Great 
gaps were made in their ranks as they moved on, but they were 
closed up as deliberately and promptly as if on the parade ground; 
the touch of elbows was always to the centre, the men keeping con- 
stantly in view the little emblem which was their beacon light to 
guide them to glory and to death. 


I will mention a few instances of individual coolness and bravery 
exhibited in the charge. In the 53d Virginia Regiment, I saw every 
man of Company F (Captain Henry Edmunds, now a distinguished 
member of the Virginia bar) thrown flat to the earth by the explo- 
sion of a shell from Round Top, but every man who was not killed 
or desperately wounded sprang to his feet, collected himself and 
moved forward to close the gap made in the regimental front. A 
soldier from the same regiment was shot on the shin; he stopped in 
the midst of that terrific fire, rolled up his trousers leg, examined 
his wound, and went forward even to the rock fence. He escaped 
further injury, and was one of the few who returned to his friends, 
but so bad was his wound that it was nearly a year before he was fit 
for duty. When Kemper was riding off, after asking Armistead to 
move up to his support, Armistead called him, and, pointing to his 
brigade, said: # " Did you ever see a more perfect line than that on 
dress parade?" It was, indeed, a lance head of steel, whose metal 
had been tempered in the furnace of conflict. As they were about 
to enter upon their work, Armistead, as was invariably his custom 
on going into battle, said: "Men, remember your wives, your 
mothers, your sisters and you sweethearts." Such an appeal would 
have made those men assault the ramparts of the infernal regions. 

The Batik of Gettysburg. 189 


You asked me to tell how the field looked after the charge, and 
how the men went back. This I am unable to do, as I was disabled 
at Armistead's side a moment after he had fallen, and left on the 
Federal side of the stone fence. I was picked up by the Union 
forces after their lines were reformed, and I take this occasion to ex- 
press "my grateful recollection of the attention I received on the 
field, particularly from Colonel Hess, of the 72d Pennsylvania (I 
think). If he still lives, I hope yet to have the pleasure of grasp- 
ing his hand and expressing to him my gratitude for his kindness to 
me. Only the brave know how to treat a fallen foe. 

I cannot close this letter without reference to the Confederate 
chief, General R. E. Lee. Somebody blundered at Gettysburg but 
not Lee. He was too great a master of the art of war to have 
hurled a handful of men against an army. It has been abundantly 
shown that the fault lay not with him, but with others, who failed to 
execute his orders. 

This has been written amid interruptions, and is an imperfect at- 
tempt to describe the great charge, but I have made the effort to 
comply with your request because of your very kind and friendly 
letter, and because there is no reason why those who once were foes 
should not now be friends. The quarrel was not personal, but sec- 
tional, and although we tried to destroy each other thirty-odd years 
ago, there is no reason why we should cherish resentment against 
each other now. 

I should be very glad to meet you in Lynchburg if your business 
or pleasure should ever bring you to Virginia. 

With great respect, 

Yours most truly, 

Rawley W. Martin 


Lynchburg, Va., Feb. 4th and 5th. 

John Holmes Smith, formerly Captain of Company G (the Home 
Guard), of Lynchburg, Va., and part of the nth Virginia Infantry, 
Kemper's Brigade, Pickett's Division, 1st Corps (LongstreeO, C. 
S. A., commanded that company, and then the regiment for a time 

190 Soul hern Historical Society Papers. 

in the battle of Gettysburg'. He says as follows, concerning" that 

The nth Virginia Infantry arrived near Gettysburg, marching 
from Chambersburg on the afternoon of July 2d, 1863. We halted 
in sight of shells bursting in the front. 

Very early on the morning of the 3d July we formed in rear of 
the Confederate artillery near Spurgeon's woods, where we lay for 
many hours. I noticed on the early morning as we were taking- 
positions the long shadows cast by the figures of. the men, their 
legs appearing to lengthen immediately as the shadows fell. 

The nth Virginia was the right regiment of Kemper's Brigade 
and of Pickett's Division. No notable event occurred in the morn- 
ing, nor was there any firing of note near us that specially attracted 
my attention. 


About 1 o'clock there was the fire of signal guns, and there were 
outbursts of artillery on both sides. Our artillery on the immediate 
front of the regiment was on the crest of the ridge, and our infantry 
line was from one to 250 yards in rear of it. 

We suffered considerable loss before we moved. I had twenty- 
nine men in rny company for duty that morning. Edward Valen- 
tine and two Jennings brothers (William Jennings) of my company 
were killed; De Witt Guy, sergeant, was wounded, and some of 
the men — a man now and a man then — were also struck and sent 
to the rear before we moved forward — I think about ten killed and 
wounded in that position. Company E, on my right, lost more 
seriously than Company G, and was larger in number. 

longstreet's presence. 

Just before the artillery fire ceased General Longstreet rode in a 
walk between the artillery and the infantry, in front of the regiment 
toward the left and disappeared down the line. He was as quiet as 
an old farmer riding over his plantation on a Sunday morning, and 
looked neither to the right or left. 

It had been known for hours that we were to assail the enemy's 
lines in front. We fully expected to take them. 

Presently the artillery ceased firing. Attention ! was the com- 
mand. Our skirmishers were thrown to the front, and "forward, 
quick time, march," was the word given. We were ordered not 
to fire until so commanded. Lieutenant-Colonel Kirkwood Otey 

The Battle of Gettysburg. VM 

was thus in command of the regiment when we passed over the 
crest of the ridge, through our guns there planted, and had advanced 
some distance down the slope in our front. I was surprised before 
that our skirmishers had been brought to a stand by those of the 
enemy; and the latter only gave ground when our line of battle had 
closed up well inside of a hundred yards of our own skirmishers. 
The enemy's skirmishers then retreated in perfect order, firing as 
they fell back. 

The enemy's artillery, front and flank, fired upon us, and many 
of the regiment were struck. 


Having descended the slope and commenced to ascend the oppo- 
site slope that rises toward the enemy's works, the Federal skir- 
mishers kept up their fire until we were some four hundred yards 
from the works. They thus being between two fires — for infantry 
fire broke out from the works — threw down their arms, rushed into 
our lines, and then sought refuge in the depression, waterway or 
gully between the slopes. 

There was no distinct change of front; but "close and dress to 
the left " was the command, and this gave us an oblique movement 
to the left as we pressed ranks in that direction. 

Our colors were knocked down several times as we descended the 
slope on our side. Twice I saw the color-bearer stagger and the 
next man seize the staff and go ahead; the third time the colors 
struck the ground as we were still on the down slope. The artillery 
had opened upon us with canister. H. V. Harris, adjutant of 
the regiment, rushed to them and seized them, and, I think, car- 
ied them to the enemy's works. 


When the enemy's infantry opened fire on us — and we were sev- 
eral hundred yards distant from them as yet — we rushed towards 
the works, running, I may say, almost at top speed, and as we 
neared the works I could see a good line of battle, thick and sub- 
stantial, firing upon us. When inside of a hundred yards of them 
I could see, first, a few, and then more and more, and presently, to 
my surprise and disgust, the whole line break away in flight. 
When we got to the works, which were a hasty trench and embank- 
ment, and not a stone wall at the point we struck, our regiment 
was a mass or ball, all mixed together, without company organiza- 


Southern Historical Society Papers. 

tion. Some of the 24th and 3d seemed to be coming with us, and 
it may be others. Not a man could I see in the enemy's works, 
but on account of the small timber and the lay of the ground, I 
could not see very far along the line, either right or left, of the po- 
sition we occupied. 

There were, as I thought at the time I viewed the situation, about 
three hundred men in the party with me, or maybe less. Adjutant 
H. V. Harris, of the regimental staff, was there dismounted. Cap- 
tain Fry, Assistant Adjutant-General of General Kemper, was also 
there on foot, with a courier, who was a long-legged, big-footed 
fellow, whom we called "Big Foot Walker," also afoot. Captain 
R. W. Douthat, of Company F, I also noticed, and there were 
some other regimental officers whom I cannot now recall. 


We thought our work was done, and that the day was over, for 
the last enemy in sight we had seen disappear over the hill in front: 
and I expected to see General Lee's army marching up to take 
possession of the field. As I looked over the work of our advance 
with this expectation, I could see nothing but dead and wounded 
men and horses in the field beyond us, and my heart never in my 
life sank as it did then. It was a grievous disappointment. 

Instantly men turned to each other with anxious inquiries what 
to do, and a number of officers grouped together in consultation, 
Captain Fry, Captain Douthat, Adjutant Harris, and myself, who 
are above noted, amongst them. No field officer appeared at this 
point that I could discover. We promptly decided to send a cou- 
rier for reinforcements. No mounted man was there. " Big Foot 
Walker " was dispatched on that errand. Fearing some mishap to 
him, for shots from the artillery on our right, from the enemy's left, 
were still sweeping the field, we in a few moments sent another cou- 
rier for reinforcements. 

We were so anxious to maintain the position we had gained, that 
we watched the two men we had sent to our rear across the field, 
and saw them both, the one after the other, disappear over the 
ridge from which we had marched forward. 


Unmolested from the front or on either side, and with nothing to 
indicate that we would be assailed, we thus remained for fully twenty 

The Battle of Gettysburg. 193 

minutes after Walker had been sent for reinforcements — waited long 
after he had disappeared on his mission over the ridge in our rear. 

Seeing no sign of coming help, anticipating that we would soon 
be attacked, and being in no condition of numbers or power to re- 
sist any serious assault, we soon concluded — that is, the officers 
above referred to — to send the men back to our lines, and we so 

Lest they might attract the fire of the guns that still kept up a 
cannonade from the enemy's left, we told the men to scatter as they 
retired, and they did fall back singly and in small groups, the offi- 
cers before named retiring also. Only Captain Ro. W. Douthat 
and myself remained at the works, while the rest of the party we 
were with, retired. I remained to dress a wound on my right leg, 
which was bleeding freely, and Douthat, I suppose, just to be with 
me. I dropped to the ground under the shade of the timber after 
the men left, pulled out a towel from my haversack, cut it into 
strips, and bandaged my thigh, through which a bullet had passed. 

This wound had been received as we approached the enemy's 
skirmishers on the descending slope, one of them having shot me. 
I thought at the time I was knocked out, but did not fall, and I 
said to James R. Kent, sergeant: " Take charge of the company, I 
am shot." But soon finding I could move my leg and that I could 
go on, no bones being broken, I went to the end of the charge. 


While I was still bandaging my leg at the works, my companion, 
Captain Robert W. Douthat, who had picked up a musket, com- 
menced firing and fired several shots. Thinking he had spied an 
enemy in the distance, I continued bandaging my leg, and com- 
pleted the operation. 

When raising myself on my elbow I saw the head of a column 
of Federal troops about seventy-five yards toward our right front, 
advancing obliquely toward us. I was horrified, jumped up and 
exclaimed to Douthat: "What are you doing?" as he faced in their 
direction. He dropped his gun and answered: "It's time to get 
away from here," and I started on the run behind him, as we both 
rapidly retired from the advancing foes. We made good time get- 
ting away, and got some distance before they opened fire on us — 
perhaps ioo or 150 yards. We ran out of range, shot after shot 
falling around us, until we got over the Emmettsburg road toward 
3ur lines. After we had got over the fences along the road the fire 

194 Southern Historical Society Payers. 

didn't disturb us. No organized body of troops did I meet ingoing 
back. I wondered how few I saw in this retreat from the hill top. 
I reached ere long the tent of a friend, Captain Charles M. Black- 
ford, judge advocate of our Second Corps, at Longstreet's head- 
quarters, and this was the last of the battle of Gettysburg time. I 
didn't hear of Lieutenant-Colonel Otey being wounded until after 
the battle was over, though I have since understood it was shortly 
after the advance commenced. I, the Captain of Company G, was 
the only commissioned officer with the company that day. I may 
properly mention an incident or two. 


Now the battery of the descending slope was advanced. Sergeant 
James R. Kent, of my company, suddenly plunged forward in a 
ditch, and I asked of him: " How are you hurt, Kent?" for I knew 
he was hit. He answered: "Shot through the leg." About the 
time we sent ' ' Big Foot Walker ' ' back for reinforcements, ' ' Black- 
eyed Williams," as we called him, a private of my company, cried 
to me: "Look here, Captain," at the same time pulling up his shirt 
at the back and showing a cut where a bullet had a full mark about 
its depth in the flesh. Quite a number of the men on the hill top had 
been struck one way or another, and there were many nursing and 
tying up their wounds. Kent's leg had been fractured — the small 
bone — and he was captured. 

Before an advance I went several times to the crest where our 
artillery was planted, and could see the enemy in our front throwing 
up dirt on the line which we afterwards took. Just before the can- 
nonade commenced Major James Downing rode along the line of 
guns in our immediate front, carrying a flag. 


I came away from Longstreet's headquarters after spending the 
night (after the battle in Captain Blackford's tent) in a wagon with 
a long train of wagons that carried one to Williamsport, leaving 
about noon and traveling through the next night. Next morning 
we reached Williamsport. The tov/n was attacked at several points, 
but not where I was. 

Captain William Early — or Lieutenant Early, as he was then — I 
met at Williamsport as I got out of the wagons, and asked me to 
dinner. I told him I couldn't walk, for I was sore and stiff, and he 
went off to get me a horse. But he didn't return, and I did not see 

Confederate States Flag. J 95 

him again, for just then his guns opened and a lively skirmish en- 
sued, but soon quieted down. After remaining a few hours on the 
north side of the river, a big ferry boat was brought up, and, hav- 
ing collected fifty or sixty of the nth Virginia infantry who were 
wounded, I took charge of them and carried them on the boat 
across the river that evening. Then we marched next morning for 
Winchester, reaching there in two days. I did not see my regi- 
ment in the campaign after the fight. In a few months my leg 
healed and I rejoined my regiment at Hanover Junction in the fall. 
The above is correct. 

Jno. Holmes Smith, 
Late Captain Company G, Home Guards, 

of Lynchburg, Va. 


List of 544 of Those of Virginia Troops, and When 

[It was announced in head lines in the issue of the Times- Dispatch 
of Feb. 28, 1904, that a bill would be introduced in Congress for the 
return of the captured Confederate flags to the Governors of the 
States to which they belonged respectively. The editor is informed 
by Honorable John Lamb that no bill, as yet, has been presented, 
but that he will confer with his colleagues, and offer one for their 
due restoration. There should now be no cavil at its passage as 
there is no question as to the proper custody of these precious me- 
morials, about which cluster so much that is alike tender and in- 

It would seem that a common patriotism should constrain imme- 
diate and unanimous action by Congress in a matter so palpably 
appealing. — Ed. ] 

(From Our Regular Correspondent.) 

Washington, D. C, Feb. 27, 1904. 
There are 544 Confederate flags in the War Department. The 
flags were sent to the department as they were captured by the gen- 
erals commanding the armies in the field. The Secretary of War 

196 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

thinks some of the flags may have reached the department through 
some other channel. Of the whole number of flags thus sent to 
the department, 236 were United States flags, captured by the Con- 
federates and recaptured by the Federal troops, and 544 were Con- 
federate flags taken by the United States troops, making a total of 
780, in the custody of the department. When received, they were 
deposited in a vacant attic in a building on Seventeenth street, used 
by clerks of the adjutant-general's office, and remained there until 
1867. In that year the Secretary of War had them taken to the 
War Department, where a few were placed on the walls, and the re- 
mainder laid on shelves or stuffed in pigeon-holes. A portion of 
the flags were removed to the Winter building and placed on exhi- 
bition in the Ordnance Museum in 1784, and others were sent to 
the same place in 1875. The larger part of the flags still remained 
in the War Department. In 1882 all the flags, by direction of the 
Secretary of War, were boxed up and stored in the sub-basement 
of the department, where they were kept until 1889, when it was 
found that they were decaying, and the adjutant-general of the army 
had them removed from the boxes and placed in an upper story, 
where they could be more readily reached. It has been the prac- 
tice of the department to return recaptured Union flags to the or- 
ganizations which lost them, but it has not been the practice to 
return any Confederate flags to their original owners. 

During the first administration of Mr. Cleveland the Adjutant- 
General of the army, R. C. Drum, recommended to the President 
that the captured flags be-returned to the Governors of the States 
to which the organizations which had lost them belonged. Mr. 
Cleveland approved this suggestion, and then revoked the order 
which had been issued on the subject, for the reason that he found 
he did not have the power to give back the flags without being 
authorized to do so by act of Congress. 


The following is a list of the forty-nine flags carried by Virginia 
regiments and captured in battle, which are now in the War De- 

First Virginia Infantry, captured by the 82d New York at Get- 

Third Virginia Infantry, captured at Gettysburg. 

Fourth Virginia Infantry, taken at the Wilderness, May 12, 1864. 

Confederate, States Flag. 197 

Second Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Brigade, Early's Corps, thir- 
teen battles inscribed on it; captured at Winchester, September 19, 
1864, by the 37th Massachusetts Infantry. 

Third Virginia Cavalry, captured near Front Royal, August 16, 
1864, by Sergeant H. J. Murray, Company B, 4th New York Cav- 
alry, and Private Frank Leslie, Company B, same regiment. 

Seventh Virginia Infantry, captured by the 82d New York at 

Battle flag of the 8th Virginia Volunteers, time and place of cap- 
ture not given. 

Tenth Virginia Volunteers, captured at Chancellorsville, May 3, 
1863, by the 68th Pennsylvania Volunteers. 

Confederate flag, stars and bars, 12th Virginia, captured in cav- 
alry engagement near Beverley Ford, June, 1863, by General Jud- 
son Kilpatrick, U. S. A. 

Ninth Virginia Infantry, captured July 3, 1863, at Gettysburg, by 
Private John E. Clopp, Company F, 71st Pennsylvania. 

Ninth Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's creek, April 6, 1865, 
by Corporal J. F. Benjamin, Company M (Harris), Volunteer Cav- 
alry, 1st Brigade, 3d Division, Major-General Custer commanding. 

Sixth Virginia Infantry, captured July 30, 1864, by Corporal 
Franklin Hogan, Company A, 45th Pennsylvania Volunteers. 

Twelfth Virginia Infantry, captured in the battle of Sailor's creek, 
April 6, 1865, by First Lieutenant James H. Gibbon, Company C, 
2d New" York (Harris Light) Volunteer Cavalry, 1st Brigade, 3d 

Fifth Virginia Cavalry, captured at Aldie, Va. , June 17, 1863, by 
1st Massachusetts Cavalry. 

Eighteenth Virginia Volunteers, time and place of capture not 

Twenty-fifth Virginia Volunteers, time and place of capture not 

Fourteenth Virginia Regiment, captured at Five Forks, April 1, 
1865, by Sergeant H. A. Delavie, Company I, nth Pennsylvania 
Volunteers. 3d Division, 5th Army Corps. 

Fourteenth Virginia, State flag, captured at Nineveh, Va., No- 
vember 12, 1864, by Private J. F. Adams, "First Virginia Cav- 
alry;" on one side are the words, " God Armeth the Patriot," and 
on the other, " Virginia State Arms." 

Thirty-second Battalion, Virginia Cavalry, captured by Private 

198 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Edward Handford, Company H, 2d United States Cavalry, near 
Woodstock. October 9, 1864. 

Eighteenth Virginia Infantry, captured by Second Lieutenant C. 
E. Hunt, 59th New York Volunteers, place and time of capture not 

Eighteenth Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's creek, April 6, 
1865, by Sergeant Ives S. Calking, Company M, 2d New York 
(^Harris Light) Cavalry, Custer's Division. 

Twenty-sixth Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's creek, by 
Coran D. Evans, Company A, 3d Indiana Cavalry. 

Twenty-fifth Battalion Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's 
creek, by Private Frank Miller, Company M, 2d New York Cav- 

Twenty-seventh Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's creek, by 
Private W. F. Holmes, Company A, 3d Indiana Veteran Cavalry. 

Thirtieth Virginia, captured by Private George J. Shapp, Com- 
E, 191st Pennsylvania Volunteers, who, while on the skirmish line, 
saw the enemy rally a line of battle on the colors, and sprang for- 
ward, accompanied by a dismounted cavalryman, and demanded 
the surrender of the colors. A Confederate officer called to his 
men to shoot the two Yankees, and the cavalryman was shot dead. 
Shapp then shot the officer and seized the colors. The bearer, 
when the skirmish line charged on the line of battle, fled. The 
place and time of this occurrence is not given. 

Thirty-sixth Virginia Volunteers, captured September 19, 1864, 
near Winchester, by Patrick Enroe, private Company D, 6th New 
York Cavalry, Second Brigade, First Cavalry Division. 

Thirty-eighth Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's Creek, by 
Captain John B. Hughey, Company L, 2d Ohio Volunteers, Third 
Cavalry Division. 

Fortieth Virginia Infantry, captured at Sailor's Creek, by First 
Sergeant W. P. Morris, Company C, First New York Lincoln Cav- 
alry Volunteers. 

Thirty-eighth Virginia Regiment, captured at Gettysburg, by 
Company G, 8th Ohio Volunteers, Sergeant Daniel Miller. 

Fortieth Virginia Infantry, " Southern Cross," captured by the 
1st Michigan Cavalry, at Falling Waters, Md., May 12, 1864. 

Forty-second Virginia Infantry, captured May 12, 1864, by Cor- 
poral Charles L. Russell, Company H, 93d New York Volunteers; 
place not given. 

Confederate States blag, 199 

Forty-first Virginia Infantry, Weisiger's Brigade, Mahone's Di- 
vision; time and place of capture not given. 

Battle flag of the 56th Virginia Infantry. 

Fifty-sixth Virginia Infantry, captured May 12, 1864, by Private 
C. W. Wilson, Company E, Fourth Excelsior Regiment, Birney's 
Division, Second Army Corps. 

Sixty-seventh Virginia Infantry, captured by Private B. H. Til- 
lison, 19th Massachusetts. 

Forty-fourth Virginia Volunteers, captured at the Wilderness, 
May 12, 1864, by Sergeant Albert March, Company B, 64th New 
York Volunteers. 

Fifty -fifth Virginia Regiment, captured May 6, 1864, by Sergeant 
W. P. Townsend, Company G, 20th Indiana. 

Forty-seventh Virginia Volunteers, captured by 50th Pennsyl- 
vania Veteran Volunteers, place and time not given. 

Fiftieth Virginia Regiment, captured at the Wilderness by Pri- 
vate John Opel, Company G, 7th Indiana Volunteers. 

Virginia State flag, captured June 3, 1864, in the Wilderness, by 
Corporal Terence Bigley, Company D, 7th New York Artillery. 

Stars and Bars of Flatrock Rifles, Lunenburg county, Va., time 
and place of capture not given. 

Virginia State flag, captured at the battle of Philippi, Va., June 
3, 186 1, by the 14th Ohio Volunteers, inscribed: " Presented by the 
ladies of Bath, Va. ; God protect the right." 

Virginia State colors, place and time of capture not given, nor is 
the name of the organization from which the flag was taken. 

Virginia cavalry standard, taken in charge at the Wilderness, by 
Private Samuel Coskey, Company I, 1st Cavalry. 

Virginia State colors, captured at Sailors' Creek, by Corporal 
Ernine C. Payne, 2d New York (Harris) Volunteer Cavalry. 

Battle flag, Virginia State colors, captured at Farm's Cross Roads, 
April 5, 1865, by Henry C. Wasfel, Company A, 1st Pennsylvania 

Confederate flag, Virginia, inscribed: "Our cause is just, our 
rights we will maintain." Time and place of capture not given, nor 
is the name of the organization from which the flag was taken. 

Virginia State flag, captured September 19, 1864, near Winches- 
ter, by Private George Reynolds, Company M, 9th New York Cav- 
alry. Name of command which lost the flag is not given. 

Virginia State flag, presented Lieutenant E. D. Wheeler, 1st Ar- 
tillery, November, 1875. No other facts given. 

- Southern E Society Papers. 

F ny-eighth Virginia Infantry, captured in the Wilderness, May 

g ^:i byL^.:::: :■ ~ ?nel A'.ber: M. Edwards 24th Michigan 

Trom :~e 7 ■:■-! /..::: re: 11 -<-i 7 \- :--r :«.; 


MAY :: :5- 

.he Bloody Angle What the _::h Virginia and Gen. 

Pe*: = :r. s B::^:e Did. 


Graphic Accounts by Colonel J. Catlett Gibson and Dr. William W 

5 mith . 

~5re 2*s: 5". }' 5 . : \v / '■':. XXI r; 

acccu-: r> J:!;nel J. Catlett Gibson. 

On the : ng the utn ;: May we marches :: asset in the 

reru'.fe : : ". 1 < :::..- ass;....: ::: :ke rreas: ~*":rks ■::' e jr '.t:~ : ^ 
: c ::e ::::: ::" r.:::k :?: :e:::e suife: .15 A-e i-:i:ri :: g: 

into position the dead be :. as pointed out : as as thai 

I rth Z : na s rg e d who had been killed while dress g 
a wound of one of his men. This . 5 I e G is : C a fe :. e te 50 g e 
known by me :; have been killed in line of battle, although I s 
Dr. Alfred Slaughter surgeon of the 15th Virginia Regiment, 
wounded in an attack we made on Sedgwick s Dorps between Marye s 
r -' -. ; :s We were marched from our left late in the 

night of the nth and And slept on our arms that night the 

eg) of the just made peaceful, in a woods in a location then un- 
known to us : : subsequent information showed it to have been 
not tar from the headquarters that were Lee's that morn, and near 
to the angle that was * k blood; ere night. A little after dawn of 
the 1 2th, I was aroused from a deer sleef : Prank Treorge. ore : :" 
General Gordon's orderlies, and was told by him that the Yankees 

Battle of Spotsylrania Gxtrtk oust. 

id broken through our works and captured Johns rnon: 

id when I started to say- something, he told me not to talk loud, 
e enemy were very close to us. 

I immediately aroused up two or three men near me and told 
em :: arouse the regiment, and tell the men to Jail in as qu 
id quiedy ns p : sable, without any rattling of canteens, as we 
ar the enemy. I told Frank George that I didn't see how there 
mid have been any hard lighting near us that night, as I had heard 
firing He ?.iii he ziz ztizz .: ::.:. z'ziz Let .:.-.i re.-.ri 
izz zziz lie Ynrkees ziz :e::.i z rveker . 

; z.z Lre reir LererL Lee 5 iieizqniners .•:: .■ . : : 
i:ie ::" Li 1:1 rrrsffr.'s *::: -.z.z : i: Lee hmi 

: :e„ rre 
forks. I 

. I f . 5 7 

:he ; .-: " :r i is he "is :re ranking :: - 
ie snii he hid n: Lme f:r sneh r :iiie::es= 

."e :e:e:ve: ire r . rs^er r.rr :: :A.<e ris 
He said he could not do it, as he had to 
lie and that a staff officer was coming up 
irigade under arms. I told him if he would 
:rid rL is =: is he zhrse He reriied 
ould be my guide. The men fefl in line about 

~:ui:e: rrrl ire sun irrrer ernie up i few 
ided us rewards the right, and then towards 

e;: be pointed not a iifile farmhouse some ten or twelve hundred 

yirif hisiiri rrri sine :'::: :r five hundred yrrds rrrirerdy. in 


:s zzz men c : : 
__ ._.... — 

sir: r.frly ::n 

-7. ire reir :: irese ~e---iresser iriirs _ si"--' f:rr minnien 
men irr.zrc men reczcrized Lenerii Rzzen L L: irri M 
General John B. Gordon. General Lee rode towards my brigade. 
m z. as sc : o ^ I had fronted the men I tnrae I : wards him. saluting 
for my orders. He paid no attention to me, but wheeled his horse 

202 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

to the right, passed through the vacancy between the brigades, took 
off his hat and rode "Traveler" grandly to the front. He had 
scarcely got a dozen paces in front of our brigades when Gen- 
eral Gordon and an officer on his left, whom I took to be his 
adjutant, trotted quickly after General Lee, and Gordon, as soon as 
he reached him, seized " Traveler " by the right cheek of his bit, 
stopped him, and said to General Lee: " You must not expose your- 
self; your life is too valuable to the army and to the Confederacy 
for you to risk it so wantonly; we are Georgians, we are Virginians, 
we need no such encouragement." At this some of our soldiers 
called out, "No, No," Gordon continuing, said: "There is not a 
soldier in the Confederate army that would not glady lay down his 
life to save you from harm;" but the men did not respond to this 
last proposition. While Gordon was speaking his adjutant rode 
around the heads of the horses of the two generals and facing his 
horse in a direction opposite that of General Lee's began to tug at 
"Traveler's" bit or bridle rein. Looking through an aperture in 
our breastworks I saw a body of the enemy coming from our left, 
slowly, and cautiously approaching us. 


I called out to General Lee to come back, the enemy were ap- 
proaching, and that we could not fight while he was in our front. 
A number of our men, especially those of Company A, called out: 
"Come back, General Lee; we can't fight while you are in our 
front;" and some members of Company A turned their right 
shoulders to General Lee and their backs to me, but I immediately 
brought these men into line by a " steady, front !" 

Neither Lee nor "Traveler" seemed inclined to take a single 
step backward. And Gordon continued his patriotic address and 
his adjutant continued tugging at " Traveler's " bridle bit in a com- 
ical manner, but the noble presence of General Lee and the eloquent 
words and graceful bearing of General Gordon relieved this dra- 
matic scene, which might soon have become a dreadful tragedy 
from every appearance of being a comedy. 

"come back general lee." 

On looking out again for the enemy I noticed that they had 
drawn very close to our earthworks. I called out to General Lee 
" To come back, and come quick; that the enemy were close upon 
us, and that my men could not fire on the enemy without shooting 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 203 

him." A number of my men called out: " Come back, General 
Lee; we wont fight as long as you are before us; come back." The 
decided call of the men seemed to produce a greater impression on 
General Lee than the eloquence of Gordon, and my curt sugges- 
tions. As Traveler could not be easily turned around with a 
mounted officer on either side of him, facing in opposite directions, 
the adjutant let go Traveler's bridle, Gordon turned him around to 
the right, and proudly started to lead him back, and as he was doing 
so, I called out: "Three cheers for General Lee and 'Old' Vir- 
ginia," but forgot to add Gordon's name to the list, which were 
given with a will. Before the two generals reached the intervening 
space between the brigades, Gordon let go his hold of Lee's bridle 
and dropped behind a short space, Lee as soon as he reached the 
line of the brigades, turned his horse to the right, close up to mine, 
and Gordon and his adjutant rode up to the line of the Georgia 

When General Gordon, amid repeated shouts of "Lee, Lee to 
the rear! " had approached within eight or ten paces of our line, he 
found the interval between our two brigades blocked up. A mounted 
officer had stationed himself on the left of Gordon's brigade, Gen- 
eral George Evans commanding. I had remained on the extreme 
right flank of Early's brigade, where I had placed myself when Lee 
rode to the front, and the intervening space had been crowded by 
men of Evans' brigade. Gordon let go his hold of Traveler's 
bridle, and reined up his horse to fall in behind Lee, and as he did 
so a member of the Warren Rifles ran forward, seized Lee's horse 
by the bridle reins, and amid redoubled shouts of " Lee, Lee, Lee 
to the rear! Lee to the rear! " led him up to the crowd and guided 
him through the crowders, and I backed my horse to the left to give 
a freer passage to the riders, and they passed through in single file, 
and the field of coming carnage resounded with wild shouts of 
" Lee, Lee, Lee! " 

[This man is identified by " R. D. Funkhouser " in communica- 
tion of the Times- Dispatch of Jan. 29, 1905, as Sergeant Wm. A. 
Compton, of Company D, 49th Virginia Regiment, " who is still 
living and an active business man in Front Royal, Va., to-day." 

When the Warren Riflemen ran forward, thinks I, that is Sergeant 
Compton, of Captain Updyke's company; he has disobeyed my 
order of "steady, front!" but he is a brave soldier and a good file 
officer, and I would not like to wound his pride. He has rendered 

204 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Lee all the homage in his power, and when I made way for Lee and 
his escort to the rear I was glad that a soldier of my regiment had 
guided Lee back to us and to safety and to sight of his headquar- 
ters, where he was much more needed and in much less danger than 
in front of our fighting line, which was some sixty yards 
from the firing line of the enemy when we started on the charge. 

As Lee drew up to me I shoved my horse slightly in advance and 
turned his head a little in advance of "Traveler," to intercept 
if possible any further repetition of such recklessness; and I looked 
inquiringly at General . Lee for some order or for some word, but 
got none. Just then I saw the heads of the enemy bobbing up in 
irregular order on the far side of our parapets, and saw the sun 
rising beautifully above the trees and lighting up the scene of ap- 
proaching conflict with rich, mellow rays. I said to General Lee: 
" Shall we give them the bayonet, General ?" 

He answered: "Yes." 

Just then the enemy fired a scattering, ineffective volley into our 
ranks. I called out: "No time for fixing bayonets. Charge !" 
The men gave the Confederate yell and rushed on the enemy, who 
fled precipitately. The brigade, instead of stopping in our earth- 
works, mounted them and pursued the fleeing enemy. About mid- 
way of the woods in front of our central line of works we met an- 
other body of the enemy, who showed fight. We hurled them back 
after a sharp little bout. In these woods I found Colonel John S. 
Hoffman, of the 31st Virginia, in a thicket of bushes, fingering the 
leaves at his feet, and asked him where he was hit. He said the 
bushes had knocked his spectacles off and he could not see. I told 
a man standing near him to find the Colonel's spectacles for him, 
and if he could not do so to lead the Colonel back to the rear, as he 
could not see a yard without his specks. 

I heard some one call out: "They have killed Major Pilcher," 
and saw that some of my own men had fallen. Then I lost my 
head and became as reckless as any of my men. Rushing them 
through the woods and coming out myself on their extreme right 
flank close to a ditch of moderate dimensions, with whitish gray 
earth thrown out in front, marched across a small branch near the 
foot of the woods, and up to a bog or morass, which proved to be 
impassable to man. While we were being here delayed, the 52d 
Virginia, under Captain Watkins, and the 13th Virginia, under Col- 
onel Terrill, rushed by us at half-speed, leaving the 31st, 58th and 
49th Virginia regiments with me. These last avoided the obstacle 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 205 

almost before the orders could be given by a give-way to the left, a 
left half-flank, a rapid wheel of the left to the right, and a slow- 
down on the right, and rushed after the enemy, who fled in detached 
squads like a mob. We did not come up with any of them until 
after we passed a narrow little ditch. On the far side of this ditch 
we found a Federal captain with a drawn sword in his hand, and 
behind him about a score of his men, with guns in both hands. As 
none of them attempted to use their arms, I demanded their sur- 
render; but as they would not throw their arms down the men bay- 
oneted a few of them, and I told the men to knock them down and 
take their arms away; but the cracking of skulls of unresisting men 
grated on my nerves, and I ordered the men to knock their hands 
away from their guns. I tried to make the captain understand what 
I meant by surrender, but he held his naked sword in both hands 
and answered in a language which I had never before heard spoken, 
sung or acted. It was neither English, French, German, Spanish 
nor Italian. My men coming up were about to knock him in the 
head, but I told them to knock his hands away from his sword. I 
sent the captain and his few surviving men to the rear under a guard 
of two of my men. This little episode over, I looked to the front 
and saw some of the enemy on the edge of a pine thicket of very 
irregular shape, on ground which rose from the ditch and at a dis- 
tance which varied from ioo to 150 yards from it. We charged 
them, and they disappeared into the recesses of a thicket. My men 
were about to follow them when I recovered my senses and ordered 
a halt. 


My men continued to fire rapidly for several minutes, but as the 
enemy did not respond, and all I could see by looking in the thicket 
was a deep hollow, I ordered "Cease firing." Seeing a body of 
Confederates close to my right flank, I rode up to the nearest files 
and asked what men they were, and who was in command. A ser- 
geant answered that they were Gordon's men, Evans' Brigade, that 
only two regiments and a few files of a third were on that ground; 
that Evans was not there, and he did not know who commanded 
them. I told him that I would take the men of his little squad; 
that the only command I had to give was to keep in general align- 
ment with my right flank, and not to waste his ammunition on the 
pine thicket; that if any of the enemy were in there they were in a 
deep hollow. I rode quickly back to my own regiment which had 

206 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

again commenced firing on pine trees, as I thought, and I again 
stopped them. 

Just then some half a dozen men on both sides of the colors of 
the 49th Virginia cried out that they had been shot from behind, 
that Colonel Terrell's men had shot them. I told them it was so, 
and ordered the color-bearer to lower his flag, rode around an acute 
angle of the pines and thought I saw through the smoke of battle 
the heads of two or three men of the 5 2d bobbing over their para- 
pet, and enquired if any of the 31st had been shot; was told that 
none had been. I then went back and told the 49th that Terrell's 
men (13th Virginia) had not shot them, and could not have done 
so without first shooting through the 31st Regiment and the angle 
of the pines; that the enemy in the rear had seen our flags, although 
we could not see them, and fired on it. I ordered the men back to 
the little ditch and to gather the cartridge boxes of the dead and 
wounded as they went; and rode over the ridge in rear of the ditch 
and saw a body of the enemy who seemed to be firing in our direc- 
tion, then rode back to Gordon's men, and seeing General Evans 
there with a staff officer, explained to him that I had given an order 
to some of his men in his absence, for which I hoped he would ex- 
cuse me, and that I came to suggest that his men fall back as far as 
mine had done. He answered, all right, that only two of his regi- 
ments could squeeze through and that he had been in action with 
the other regiments on another part of the field. I rode back and 
thought it was time to look up Colonel Terrell; started to ride from 
the left flank of the 31st up the ditch, as it ran eastward over the 
hill; had gone only a few paces when the head of a man lying in 
the ditch bobbed up and said that Colonel Terrell had sent him 
there to warn me against coming over that hill, that the enemy 
swept it with a deadly fire; that he had a strong position which he 
could hold without my assistance, and that he was using two recap- 
tured guns against the enemy. When I came back to my men I 
examined the ditch; it was about knee deep, with some six or eight 
inches of grayish white dirt thrown up on the outside, and was pre- 
sumably a continuation of the ditch which I saw on my right as I 
came out of the woods, and connecting this with the fact that the 
enemy I saw in my rear were within the line of a similar stretch of 
white earth, running eastward and westward, I concluded from the 
confused and confusing situation in which I found our men, that we 
had projected a quadrilateral from our main line of works, silly 
planned and badly executed. The ditch in which my men tried to 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 207 

stand was scarcely two feet wide, and the rear ranks sat down on 
the surface of the ground behind. I could well see how Johnson's 
Division could have been rushed, but could not see how they could 
have been surprised, nor why they did not finish the quadrilateral 
extension even if they had to work in the night time, nor could I 
understand that any of them were placed in the main works of our 
centre, nor that any of the enemy were in the possession of the last 
line when we charged them. 



Upon inquiry, I found that our ammunition was running low and 
I sent a man to the rear for more. While he was gone Everett 
Early, son of William Early, of Albemarle, who had come out as a 
lieutenant in Captain Wood's company, but who had been ex- 
changed or detailed, on account of his extreme youth, to go to 
school at the University, came up to me with two University stu- 
dents and said they must have a pop at the enemy. I demurred 
and said I did not want any University student killed in my regi- 
ment, but he insisted, upon the ground that he had formerly been 
an officer in the regiment. As they were in more danger standing 
with me a little behind the ditch than in it, I waived my objections. 
Early picked up a dead man's gun, borrowed several cartridges and 
together with the men immediately about him fired several rounds 
at the enemy, then came running out, exclaiming gleefully: " I have 
been shot in the arm, and I would not take a thousand dollars for 
it. I have got all I wanted, come on boys," and was soon lost to 
sight. Immediately afterwards a member of Captain Horsley's 
company was found dead in the ditch without any apparent wound; 
his cartridges were taken from him and he was carried a few paces 
to the rear and gently laid to rest. About that time the man I sent 
out for ammunition returned and said he could not find or hear of 
any. I found our ammunition was nearly exhausted, ordered an- 
other man to go out and find John S. Gibson, ordnance officer of 
the 49th Virginia, and tell him that he must find an ordnance officer 
and bring us some ammunition very soon, as we were out. 


I then ordered cease firing, and then two of the Federal soldiers 
in our front, who seemed to be on picket, stuck their bayonets 
through newspapers and waived them right and left. Some of my 

208 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

men called out that they wanted to trade newspapers. I told them 
no; it meant a flag of truce. I sent an inquiry up and down the 
line for a newspaper or a sheet of white paper. None could be 
found. I heard a laugh in the line, and asking what was the fun, 
was told that a man said he had a ragged shirt tail, which I could 
have. I asked the man if he was willing to donate a piece of his 
shirt tail to the cause for the sake of peace. He said he would be 
very glad to do so. I told him shirts were very scarce, and he had 
better take my handkerchief, and handed it to him. He looked at 
it; saw it was very much soiled, and said he thought his shirt tail 
would make a much whiter flag of truce. At this there was a gen- 
eral laugh at my expense. A piece of the shirt tail was torn off, 
bayonet stuck through it, and it was waved aloft on the muzzle of a 
gun. The enemy saluted with their newspapers and truce was es- 
tablished, which was religiously kept in my front the whole of that 
day. The second man I sent out for ammunition soon returned; 
said he had seen Sergeant Gibson, and he had seen the captain of 
ordnance and they had sent for ammunition. 



After waiting what I thought a long time, I sent out another man 
on the same errand, who returned, and said ammunition had been 
sent for and would soon arrive. I waited for it so very long that I 
grew anxious, and determined to hunt it up myself; rode to the 
rear and found that bullets were whistling over the quadrilateral, 
right and left. I inquired for General Early's headquarters, and 
was told that he seemed to be riding all over the field that day. 
[Editor's note: General Early commanded Hill's corps that day, 
and held both the right and left of Lee's line.] I then inquired for 
General Ewell's headquarters. Its general direction was pointed 
out to me; found it after considerable trouble, and saw that the 
enemy had found it before I had. Ewell was standing before a por- 
table field table with writing material on it, and his staff a short 
distance in his front, and shells were falling fast and furious all 
around. General Ewell was wearing an artificial leg in the place of 
the natural one he lost near Sudley's Mills, and he had lately mar- 
ried a widow whom he was accustomed to introduce as " my wife, 
Mrs. Brown." He had become very nervous, and every time a 
shell exploded near him he would hop his good leg up and curse 
with f he vehemence of an old trooper and the unction of a new 
church member. I told him of our great need of ammunition. He 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 209 

said he had heard from me two or three times that day and had sent 
me ammunition, and it would get there before I could. 

I briefly explained the situation to the general; told him that the 
enemy were in our front and rear; that their rear fire swept the 
ditch between me and Colonel Terrell and this ditch was too shallow 
to afford protection to any one not lying flat on the bottom of it; 
that Evans' had withdrawn his two regiments from our right, and 
that my right flank was entirely exposed 


He told General Long to go with me; view the situation and do 
whatever was necessary to protect our brigade. I guided General 
Long through the woods to about the spot where I first rode out of 
it. I pointed out the situation of our brigade. He said my right 
was thoroughly protected by our batteries, but I could not see any 
of our guns nor any of Gordon's men. I told him I would not be 
willing to guide him to our brigade. The trip would be too dan- 
gerous; that I supposed Ewell knew what enemy were in our rear, 
and would drive them back. I then galloped to my right. I sup- 
pose I rode in my excitement too far to the front, as I came squarely 
upon a body of the enemy. I waived my hat to them and gave a 
"whoop." They responded with cheers. I then turned my horse 
to the left and rode rapidly to the rear. 

I had not gone far when a body of men fired on me and shot my 
horse, but he managed to bear me to my brigade before he fell and 
died. Almost immediately afterwards, Sergeant Gibson, with a 
squad of men, came up bearing a number of large wooden cartridge 
boxes of fixed ammunition. My share of this much needed ammu- 
nition was quickly distributed, and Colonel Terrell's share left. I 
started to walk to Terrell's command, but a voice from the ditch 
stopped me with about the same warning that I had received from 
Terrell, and the additional information that he was driving the en- 
emy back with his two guns; had plenty of ammunition and when 
he needed my assistance he w r ould call for it. 

The balance of the ammunition was then distributed among my 
men. Some of my men caught a stray horse of unknown owner- 
ship, and saddled and bridled him for me. This horse I tied to the 
wheel of a gun-carriage immediately on my left flank, and the horse 
was killed before the day was over by the fire on our rear. A six- 
pounder cannon was standing naked on the line of the ditch, with- 
out limber or caison, and no ammunition could be found for serving 

210 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

it. Twice during the evening a member from my regiment was 
sent to the rear for information, and reported each time that the 
enemy were advancing on our rear. I went out to see for myself; 
could not see that they were moving towards us, but found that 
they had gotten much closer than at first; saw that something was 
stopping them, and making gaps in their ranks; the second time 
that I looked towards them their ranks seemed to waiver, and to 
fade away. 

"the sulphurous canopy." 

By this time "the war-clouds rolling down" had so enveloped 
the earth in "sulphurous canopy," that it was impossible to see 
objects any considerable distance. As we then had plenty of am- 
munition, and it was getting too dark to fight, I grew very brave, 
and told my men what we would do with the enemy if their heads 
became visible over the Blue Ridge in our rear. When it began to 
grow dark, which was before sundown, a guide led our brigade out 
of the quadrilateral, and rode out behind him, and he marched us 
to the left of our centre, and we went to sleep that night on an 
empty stomach, with the proud satisfaction that we had done a 
good day's work. 

Very truly yours, 

J. C. Gibson, 

Colonel 49th Virginia. 

Account of Dr. William W. Smith. 

The story as related by Dr. William W. Smith, of Ashland, 
Va., then a private of the 49th Virginia Infantry, now president 
of the Randolph-Macon College system : 

On the eighth and ninth our regiment, the 49th Virginia, was not 
in action, but was moved from point to point, and on the tenth we 
were in the third line, and though not called on to support the front, 
were under heavy shelling. On the afternoon of the eleventh we 
were marched vigorously to a new position on the rear of the left 
side of the salient, which was to be rechristened the next day as the 
" bloody angle." We stopped, worn and weary, in a plowed field, 
and in a few minutes this particular part of the regiment was fast 
asleep in a furrow, let come what might. About a half hour before 
day we were awakened, marched quietly to the front, and placed 
behind the front line of battle in the trenches. (I think Hayes's 
Louisiana brigade.) On the way we passed a place where the enemy 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 211 

had broken through our lines and had been driven out by a counter 
charge. It is said to have been done in the fight on the tenth. 
The front of our line was was well sprinkled with the enemy's dead, 
and about a score were piled at one point in our trenches. 


We were told to expect a charge from the dense pine woods just 
in front of us, possibly some hundred yards away. It was so thick 
that nothing in it could be seen, and we simply waited with guns 
cocked until it should deliver up its contents. Cartridges were torn 
and caps laid out (we had muzzle-loading Enfield rifles) that no time 
should be lost in reloading; we could not hope for more than two 
shots before it came to a question of cold steel, and few of our men 
had bayonets. Personally, the boy volunteer was better off for 
such work, for having been wounded in the hand in an earlier ac- 
tion, so as not to be able to load an Enfield, he had seized a breech- 
loading Sharp's carbine from the cavalry, and could count on four 
or five shorts before coming to close quarters. 

We lay thus expectant until just dawn, when on our right, per- 
haps some five or six hundred yards away, we heard the Yankee 
" Hussa ! hussa ! hussa !" and then a rattling fire of small arms, 
lasting but a quarter of an hour at most. (l Why don't they come 
on? they gave it up easy," was our thought, when, to our surprise, 
we saw our men running from the trenches in the salient on our 
right. The enemy had taken the works ! Our first emotion was 
surprise and amazement that our troops had lost so easily; there had 
been no fight. 


Our next was alarm at the situation; for veterans as we were we 
could see the seriousness of the disaster. It seemed that a whole 
corps, massed on a division front, had broken our line right in the 
centre, and were now pouring into the position that would enfilade 
both sides, and with small advance take our forces in the rear and 
compel the retreat of Lee's army, and that, too, at day break, with 
all day to complete the disaster and turn the retreat into a rout. 
The situation produced alarm but not fear. It was a great emer- 
gency to be promptly and heroically met. Our officers were not 
wanting. In a few minutes our brigade was thrown almost to right 
angles to the breastworks we had been set to defend, and marching 
to the right, made, with Gordon's Georgians, who were on our right, 

212 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the bar of an A across the angle. It was an hour of destiny. The 
thin line stood confronting the massing enemy in our trenches only 
some two hundred yards away; obscured they were, it is true, by 
the underbrush and in some cases by the contour of the land, but 
ready to push forward to the capture of the parked reserve artillery 
ammunition just behind us. 


General Lee's headquarters were but a short distance away, and 
a few minutes would decide whether the grand Army of Northern 
Virginia, which had sent so many Federal generals to defeat, would 
fall before this first strong attack of General Grant. A moment 
later I noticed a quiet officer ride in front of our line. He was a 
large man on an iron gray horse, and had come up without retinue, 
even, I think, without a single staff officer or orderly. It was when 
he turned face towards us and with a silent gesture of extended arm 
pointed towards the enemy we recognized our idolized Lee. Al- 
ready the bullets were zipping past, aimed chiefly at the struggling 
remnant of Johnson's division, that had been overwhelmed in the 
trenches. What if one should kill Lee? "Get in front of him, 
keep the bullets off," was the instinctive feeling of each man. 


Just then from the right General J. B. Gordon came dashing down 
the line. At the sight of Lee he reined up his handsome bay so 
sharply as to throw him on his haunches. It was a picture never to 
be forgotten. " General Lee, this is no place for you. Go back, 
General; we will drive them back. These men are Virginians and 
they have never failed me; they will not fail me; will you boys?" 
Then rose the oft-quoted shout: " General Lee to the rear ! Lee 
to the rear ! " " Go back, General, we can't charge until you go 
back." "We will drive them back, General." Some one got 
hold of his bridle and back through the line of the 49th Regiment 
Lee was led. The whole scene was not fifty paces from where I 
stood, and stands out like a glorious picture to-day. 

"Forward!" cried Gordon, and the line stepped off with the 
steady tread of a dress-parade. There was no shout, no rebel 
yell, but, as I looked down the line, I saw the stern faces and set 
teeth of men who have undertaken to do a desperate deed, and do 
not intend to fail. 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 213 


With the freedom of the volunteer, I said to those next me: 
"Pass it down the line, boys; General Lee is looking at us." 
"Aye, and depending upon us, too," and the silent line moved on 
with long, swift strides. In a few moments we marched down into 
the bottom, then rising, parted the undergrowth, and were upon 
them, packed thick as blackbirds in our trenches. A fearful volley 
wrought havoc and started those in advance to get back to their 
line. Those behind, seeing these returning, became alarmed. 
Without pausing to reload, we rushed upon them, so quickly, in- 
deed, that we did not give them time to run. Many surrendered 
upon demand; some gave us the bayonet. With these we had a 
short, stern argument, using chifly our clubbed guns. My gun 
being too short for such use and quite handy to load, I gave my 
stubborn opponent, who refused to surrender, the leaden contents at 
short range, and passed on after finding that he was beyond the 
need of assistance from me. As we rushed on, hundreds threw up 
their hands and said: " I surrender," but we could not afford to 
send men back from the charging line with prisoners, and would 
say: "Throw down your guns and go the rear." Many did so; 
many obliqued to the left and finally escaped and joined their com- 
rades, but we passed on, driving the ruck before us. 

Presently I saw before our advancing line, to my left a fresh line 
of Yankees rise from the ground in perfect array. Our line, press- 
ing through the underbrush and also through a swampy place, was 
disorganized, every man pressing forward for himself after the flee- 
ing foe, and when it was confronted by this new force, my heart 
was in my mouth as I looked for their volley. But, strange to say, 
ours fired first, and it seemed to me that the enemy just laid down 
again, such tremendous slaughter was wrought. The force made 
no further fight and surrendered as we ran over them and finally 
established ourselves in the abattis, about two hundred yards in 
front of the enemy's trenches. This post we held until about 4 
o'clock, being continually under fire, and firing ourselves until our 
ammunition was exhausted. My little gun became so foul that I 
could not press the breech lock into place. I had to stop in the 
midst of the battle and with my gun-screw take it to pieces and 
clean it. It was here that our loss was the heaviest. Late in the 
afternoon we could see the enemy forming a heavy line to retake 
the gap, and we were ordered to retire to the works we had recap- 

214 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

tured. This we did without interruption, but found that our charge 
had left about two hundred yards of the trenches, in the apex of 
the angle on the left, unassailed, and these were now filled with 
Yanks. So we held part and they part of the same line of breast- 
works, a very uncomfortable cotenantcy. Nine times that night, 
until nearly 10 o'clock, they tried to get the whole, but we would 
not let them have it. Many times into that half acre of blood did 
General Lee send regiment after regiment, made up of organized 
cooks, released men from the guard houses, or even men who had 
been wounded, but who could still shoot. But this, too, was in 
vain. The enemy held the angle. The concentrated fire in this 
inferno cut down two trees, each as large as a man's body. At last 
Lee gave up the murderous attempt and drew a new line connecting 
his wings, leaving out the angle. The battle had raged from 4 A. 
M. to 10 P. M. 

William W. Smith, 
Company C, 49th Virginia Infantry, C. S. A. 


During the long-continued firing, while lying in the enemy's 
abattis, Lieutenant Kincheloe, of Company C, was wounded at my 
side by a shell which came apparently from our rear, and Private 
Embrey, the younger of two brothers in Company C, was killed 
just in front of me by a bullet through the head. At the request of 
the officers I went back to the second line, where we had killed so 
many of the enemy, and robbed their cartridge boxes of ammuni- 
tion, which I brought to our line. I would not choose such a job 
again. I was again sent to the rear to find, if possible, our ammu- 
nition wagons and to get supplies of ammunition brought to the 
front. While hunting them our line was ordered to withdraw to the 
trenches. Not to be out of a job while waiting its return, I volun- 
teered to assist in firing a three-inch rifle gun that was in our trench, 
the rest of the battery having been put out of action, and this piece 
remaining with a lieutenant and a squad of men without horses. It 
was the only piece of our artillery in sight, while the enemy, with 
what seemed about twenty guns, were shelling the region miscella- 
neously without definite target. The lieutenant and myself ran 
some two hundred yards to the caisons, which remained abandoned 
on the field, and brought our arms full of shells for the gun. 
Sighting carefully at one of the enemy's batteries we made a pretty 
fair shot with our first shell, and reloaded as quickly as possible for 

Battle of Spotsylvania Courthouse. 215 

a second attempt. Before it could be made a hurtling volley of a 
dozen shells showed that the enemy was glad to get a target. Our 
second shell burst splendidly in the midst of a battery, and, elated 
by the shot, we loaded again. This shell, however, never left the 
gun, for before we could pull the lanyard one of the enemy's second 
dozen shells struck our gun on the mouth, breaking off about a 
foot and a half of the piece and ending my experience as an artil- 

My cousin, Lieutenant David Smith, after the battle told me the 
following incidents of the close fighting at the trenches: 

" One of our men having an empty gun, which he was in the act 
of reloading as he arrived at the trench, in an emergency found he 
had no time either to finish reloading or to club his gun, but felled 
his opponent by a vigorous swipe across the head with his handy 

" One of our officers ordered a Yankee just across the trench to 
surrender; whereupon our officer, not being a swordsman,, leaped 
the breastworks, grabbed his man by the collar and proceeded to 
pummel him a la Jeffreys, until he gave in." 

My cousin himself wore a sword, which, being rather loose in the 
scabbard, had frequently given him trouble by falling out when the 
end was tipped by any accident. To prevent this worry he had 
tied the handle to one of the thills of the scabbard, thinking that he 
could easily remove the cord for the next dress parade. On this 
occasion, however, when he rushed up to the trench, a big Yankee 
crouched in the grass raised his gun right at his breast. Two or 
three vigorous jerks failed to extricate the sword. Neither stick 
nor stone was in sight to furnish a weapon for the emergency; and 
so with fierce and commanding look the lieutenant drew back his 
stalwart foot and thundered: " Throw down that gun or will kick 
you over; " an order which the private promptly obeyed. 

216 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

LFrom the Times-Dispatch, Feb. 28, 1904.] 


A Sketch of His Life and Services. 

By Colonel GEO. C. CABELL, late Lieutenant=CoIonel 18th Virginia 


Henry Alexander Carrington, son of Henry and Louisa Cabell 
Carrington, was born at " Ingleside," Charlotte county, Va., on the 
13th day of September, 1832. His ancestors on both sides had been 
distinguished in the annals of Virginia history. He was educated 
at the Virginia Military Institute and the University of Virginia, at 
which last institution he commenced the study of law, intending to 
make that his profession. His plans, however, were changed by the 
death of his brother, the lamented William Cabell Carrington. 
Yielding to the entreaties of his parents, who were deeply distressed 
by their loss, Colonel Carrington relinquished the practice of law, 
and devoted himself to agricultural pursuits upon his patrimonial 
estate, "Retirement," a mile from his father's residence. He was 
married on January 29, 1856, to Charlotte Elizabeth Cullen, daugh- 
ter of Dr. John Cullen, of Richmond, one of the most brilliant 
women of her day. He continued farming until the alarms of war 
fired his patriotism, in the spring of 1861. 

Colonel Carrington was opposed to secession, but when the die 
was cast, when Virginia decided to withdraw from the Union, like 
a true son, he determined to follow the fortunes of his mother State 
and was the first to volunteer his services from his native county. 

The Charlotte Rifles, a company of the 18th Virginia Infantry, 
was the first organized body to enlist from Charlotte county. In 
May, 1861, Colonel Carrington was commissioned by Governor 
Letcher lieutenant-colonel of the 18th Virginia. On the night be- 
fore his departure for the fields of battle, in the parlor of ' ' Ingle- 
side," his parental home, a scene which yet lingers in the memories 
of those who witnessed it, and marked the character of the man and 

Before taking leave of parents and friends, the church rector, an 
inmate of the house, was requested to appear before the assembled 
family and friends, and there and then this commissioned colonel, 

Colonel H. A. Carrington. 217 

clad in his regimentals, with his infant child in his arms, dedicated 
his own life and the life of his child to God and his country. The 
next day he left for the scene of action, and the army then gather- 
ing around Manassas. Being a thorough soldier and accomplished 
tactician, Colonel Carrington aided most efficiently in drilling and 
disciplining the 18th Virginia regiment — one of the finest bodies of 
men that ever marched to battle on any field, or in any country — 
until July 21, 1861, when the first great battle, there upon the plain 
of Manassas, where the South "triumphed gloriously," Colonel 
Carrington received the first "baptism of fire," and bore himself 
as become a Virginia soldier and a Southern patriot. 

Afterwards Colonel Carrington served with gallantry in every 
campaign, and was in most of the battles fought by the Army of 
Northern Virginia. He bore a conspicuous part at Williamsburg. 
At Seven Pines, one of the hottest battles of the war, and where 
the regiment lost heavily, Colonel Carrington was badly wounded, 
which disabled him for two months or more. At Gaines' Mill the 
gallant R. E. Withers was dreadfully wounded, and ever afterward 
unfitted for field service, when the command of the regiment devolved 
upon the major, who led it until just before the battle of Second 
Manassas, when Colonel Carrington, his wound not yet healed, re- 
joined his regiment and led it bravely and successfully through that 
great battle. Here, again, Colonel Carrington was severely wounded, 
and the command of the regiment devolved upon Major Cabell, who 
carried it through the Maryland campaign and back into Virginia, 
where, in the early winter of 1862-3, Colonel Carrington returned 
and resumed his command. Colonel Carrington was in command 
at Fredericksburg, and there, as he had ever done, acted well his 
part in the great fight in which General Burnside met disastrous de- 

Colonel Carrington commanded the 18th Virginia Regiment in 
the celebrated charge of Pickett's Division at Gettysburg, where he 
was reported killed; instead, however, he was wounded at the stone 
wall, on Seminary Ridge, captured and taken as a prisoner to 
Johnson's Island, where he endured a wretched captivity, contract- 
ing the disease which finally culminated in his death. Two of the 
1 8th Regiment's color-bearers were shot down in the charge made 
by Pickett, when the Colonel seized the colors and bore them at the 
head of his regiment until he fell at the wall. At Gettysburg the 
18th Regiment occupied a most prominent position in the charge, 
and the official report records that the regiment went into the battle 

218 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

with 325 men, and of this number 265 were killed, wounded and 

Colonel Carrington was a number of times by his superior officers 
recommended for promotion. A recommendation from General 
Pickett, in possession of his family, is here given: 

Division Headquarters, 
Camp near Guinea's, February 11, 1863. 

It affords me much gratification to testify to the distinguished 
services of Lieutenant-Colonel Henry A. Carrington, of the 18th 
Virginia Volunteers, during our present war of independence. 

He has served continuously from its commencement to this time 
except when absent, disabled by wounds received in battle, and al- 
though truly deserving of promotion, as is also the Colonel (With- 
ers) of his gallant regiment, still has not by the accidents of the 
service nor by the promotion of his colonel, received it. I had the 
honor to command the brigade to which his regiment belongs a 
year past, and have had frequent opportunities of knowing his effi- 
ciency as an officer and in the control and government of his regi- 
ment. His coolness and activity at the battle of Williamsburg was 
worthy of great praise, and I especially mentioned him in my re- 
port. At the battle of Seven Pines he was very painfully wounded 
while with his regiment under one of the hottest fires and danger- 
ously exposed positions during the war. He joined immediately 
after his convalescence, and was again wounded quite severely at 
the battle of Second Manassas. He has stuck to his regiment re- 
ligiously, although he has suffered much from sickness. He is an 
officer of much modesty and merit. I think he is very deserving 
of promotion, and conscientiously recommend him. 

G. E. Pickett, 
Major-General Commanding Division. 

After a captivity of nearly ten months, Colonel Carrington re- 
joined his command on the morning of the 19th day of May, 1864, 
just after the regiment had entered upon Beauregard's celebrated 
charge upon Butler's Federal forces, and just as the major com- 
manding had fallen, desperately wounded. At once assuming 
command, Colonel Carrington continued in brilliant style one of the 
most successful charges made during that bloody campaign, for the 
battle of Drewry's Bluff was, indeed, one of the most hotly con- 

Colonel H. H. Carving ton. 219 

tested battles of the war, and resulted in a glorious victory for the 

Soon after the fight at Drewry's Bluff, Colonel Carrington was 
sent with his regiment to rejoin its own (Hunton's) brigade, then 
north of James river. It had for several months served with Corse's 
Brigade in North Carolina and around Petersburg. Under Hunton 
it had fought at second Cold Harbor and around Richmond, until 
late in June, when Pickett's Division (to which Hunton's Brigade 
belonged), was sent to the trenches around Petersburg, and front- 
ing General Grant's army. 

For months after, although in feeble health, Colonel Carrington, 
with his regiment, stuck nobly to his duty, sometimes repelling 
assaults upon Lee's lines; at all times under fire and exposed to 
deadly peril. 

In August, 1864, Colonel Withers, in consequence of the wounds 
received at Gaines' Mill two years before, was retired, and Colonel 
Carrington was promoted full colonel of the 18th Virginia regiment, 
General Hunton saying in his order enclosing the promotion to 
Colonel Carrington, that "it was as well deserved as it had been 
long delayed." While fronting the enemy about Petersburg, and 
notwithstanding the difficulties and perils to which it was subjected, 
the 1 8th Virginia, under the efficient management of Colonel Car- 
rington, was largely recruited, and became again one of the finest 
in the service. 

In the early spring of 1865, Grant's ever-increasing army broke 
the lines of Lee's ever-decreasing army, and then commenced that 
disastrous retreat which presaged the downfall of the Confederacy. 
At Five Forks, at Dinwiddie, at Farmville, at Sailor's Creek and to 
the end at fateful Appomattox, where the star of the Confederacy 
went down in darkness and blood, Colonel Carrington with his 18th 
Regiment proudly sustained the splendid reputation, which for four 
years they had won through trial, privation and bloody carnage. 

Colonel Carrington fought in twenty-nine pitched battles and in 
numberless lesser fights, and was never absent from his post of duty 
except when disabled by wounds or a prisoner of war. He was 
greatly beloved by his associates in arms, especially by the men un- 
der his command. 

After the surrender, Colonel Carrington returned to his once 
beautiful, but now desolated, home and to those who were left of 
those so dear to him. Many fearful changes had taken place in and 
around his native place. Broken in fortune, but not in spirit, he 

220 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

commenced again the successful practice of law at Charlotte Court- 
house, Va. , greatly aiding his people by his wise and conservative 
course and advice as they struggled through the horrors of the so- 
called "days of reconstruction." 

In 1870 Colonel Carrington was made clerk of the courts of Char- 
lotte county and so remained an invaluable official to the day of his 
death. The disease contracted while a prisoner at Johnson's Island 
made such inroads upon his health that he became an invalid for 
four years before he succumbed. During this period he would 
often discourse upon the war and the events which came under his 
observation. His descriptions of campaigns and battles were par- 
ticularly interesting. His great conception of military affairs and 
his engagement in so many campaigns and battles gave him a rich 
experience, and these, reinforced by remarkable descriptive powers 
and fine command of language, made him a most charming authority 
upon all such subjects. 

Colonel Carrington was very handsome and commanding in ap- 
pearance, and his conduct and bearing impressed all who came in 
contact with him that he was " every inch the soldier." He exer- 
cised a superb control over his men, who were greatly devoted to 
him, not so much through stern military discipline as through the 
confidence and love inspired by just actions and brave. deeds. 

He died on the 22d day of January, 1885. His body rests in 
Richmond, near the honored dead of his family — his spirit survives 
in the vale of Valhalla, the home of redeemed heroes. At Char- 
lotte Courthouse a camp of Confederate veterans was formed some 
years ago, and called " H. A. Carrington Camp, C. V.," in honor 
of Colonel Carrington, and a monument erected there since will aid 
to keep in grateful remembrance the life, service and character of a 
noble patriot, who was in every relation of life true to his family, his 
country and his God. 

Steel Breast Plates. 221 


As Defensive Armors Worn by Federal Soldiers in the 
War Between the States, 1861-5. 

It is in evidence that breast plates of steel were extensively worn 
by Federal soldiers in the War of 1 861-5 as defensive armor. 

In the memorable retreat before Jackson by Banks from Winches- 
ter, in May, 1862, which gained for him in supplies abandoned by him 
and sorely needed by the Confederates, the cheerful tribute of "Jack- 
son's Commissary," the editor, then of the " foot cavalry, " saw in the 
deserted camp of the enemy, on both sides of the road leading 
from Winchester, a number of examples of the ' ' vest armor ' ' of thin 
plates of steel covered with blue cloth in vest fashion, which had 
been thrown away in flight by the Federal soldiers. 

They were of the style of those secondly described in the fol- 
lowing article, which appeared in the Times- Dispatch of July 31st, 

Two instances of the use of such armor are given by John W. 
Munson in his " Recollections of a Mosby Guerrilla," Mimsef s 
Magazine, February, 1905, p. 784. One "taken from the saddle 
of Major J. S. Reed, the Federal officer who fell in the engagement 
with Mosby' s men at Dranesville, February 22, 1864." 

" Lieutenant Ben. Palmer says that he had them at his home [in 
Richmond] and that he and others often amused themselves by 
shooting at Reed's breast plates." The other instance: "On the 
same day [February 22, 1864] Fred Hipkins, of our command, 
captured one of Reed's men who had on breast plates." 

Many surviving Confederates will tell of having seen these breast 
plates during the War of 1861-5. 

The editor has since that period seen several of such preserved 
by the curious. 

One example may at this day be inspected in our State Library 

' ' I have seen it stated in a recent newspaper article that the finding 
of a steel breast plate below Richmond where the Federal soldiers 
were buried, was proof that they did wear armor, although this 
point had been disputed. I was surprised to find that this had ever 

222 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

been disputed. I myself have seen two styles of armor worn by 
them at the first battle of Manassas. I saw a vest made of strips of 
steel about an inch wide, connected together, but very flexible. 
This vest was taken from the body of a dead Federal soldier. At 
the first day's fight at Gettysburg I was courier for the inspector 
of Early's Division, Ewell's Corps, my business being to attend to 
the wounded and prisoners, I found a dead Federal soldier who had 
on a vest shaped armor, made of very thin steel. This was in two 
solid pieces, one for the back, and the other for the front, but the 
soldier was killed by a shell which tore his left arm out of the 
shoulder socket. This man was no coward, as the following pathetic 
account will show. By his side lay his furlough, dated the day be- 
fore the fight, stating that it was to enable him to go home to get 
married. With it was a letter from his expectant bride, filled with 
glad anticipations of their approaching marriage, but he chose to 
remain and fight, and lost his life thereby. He was a very hand- 
some, blonde young man, above medium size, and was from New 

" I write this as it may possibly meet the eye of some one who 
knew him in life." 

J. Cabell Early. 

Bon Ton, Bedford comity, Va. , July 25, 1904. 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 223 

[From the Richmond, Va., Times-Dispatch, Nov. 6, 18, 1904.] 


An Event That Has Not Been Told About as Importance 



Tactics Employed by General Early and the Results That Followed. 

With Prefatory Note by U. S. Senator, J. W. Daniel 

Editor of The Times- Dispatch : 

Sir, — I enclose for "the Confederate Column" an article on 
"The Battle of Cedar Creek, October 19, 1864," by Captain J. S. 
McNeily, of Vicksburg, Miss. This gentleman, who now edits the 
Vicksburg Herald, was a participant in that battle, and is much re- 
spected by those who know him. He is the son-in-law of Colonel 
Edmund Berkeley, formerly of the famous 8th Virginia Infantry, 
succeeding General Eppa Hunton in that honorable command. He 
has been a student of our battles and battlefields, and is full of a 
sense of justice, as well as of information and ability. I was not at 
Cedar Creek because disabled in a previous battle, but I have long 
believed from my knowledge of the pugnacity and energy of Gen- 
eral Early, and of the great disparity of his forces to those of his 
opponent, that his critics were not appreciative of the companies 
that environed him — circumstances which ere long swept, away all 
military resistance in Virginia. This review by Captain McNeily is 
conceived in the spirit of a true soldier who knows those facts and 
who shared in the event which he so ably analyzes. I will make no 
further comment at this time, save to say that the high character, 
intelligence and the experience of the author of the article gives it 
great weight. 

Very respectfully, 

Jno. W. Daniel. 

No other engagement of equal magnitude and consequence dur- 
ing the war has been so scantily and misleadingly treated as Cedar 

224 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Creek, fought October 19, 1864. Federal chroniclers have slurred 
details out of which protruded this central fact: That their army of 
30,000 men was forced from a strongly fortified position, leaving 
their camps and supplies and half their artillery in the hands of an 
attacking force of no more than half as many Confederates. There 
was little credit in turning and beating back such an enemy after 
being driven from successive positions and pursued for some miles. 
On the other hand, Confederate writers have dismissed Cedar Creek 
as a victory thrown away in a disgraceful panic. While the battle 
was all of this, it was more. Held inextricably in Grant's powerful 
coils in front of the Confederate capital, and realizing that unless 
he could break the state of siege final defeat was only a question of 
time, General Lee sent Early with every man he could spare to 
effect a diversion on Washington, up the Valley. It was an un- 
promising venture at best, as out of his abundance Grant easily 
spared an ample force to overwhelm Early. Such as it was the 
chance was made absolutely desperate after the defeat at Winchester 
and Fisher's Hill. But circumstanced as he was General Lee could 
not forego the bare possibility of extrication from a fatal position. 
Thus he wrote to Early September 27th: " I very much regret the 
reverses that have occurred, but trust they can be remedied. The 
return of Kershaw will add greatly to your strength. * * * 
One victory will put all things right. You must do all in your 
power. Manoeuvre to keep the enemy in check until you can strike 
with all your strength. * * * The enemy must be defeated and 
I rely upon you to do it. * * * We are obliged to fight against 
great odds." 

An earnest, brave, single-minded man, sent to an offensive cam- 
paign under such circumstances, and against such odds, should in 
his ensuing and almost inevitable adversities, have commanded the 
respect and sincere sympathy of all brave soldiers. Another vital 
incentive to take big risks was, that it was just before the presiden- 
tial election, and the most was to be expected from a victory that 
would be a menace to Washington. Such were the compelling 
influences that caused Early to assail Sheridan at Cedar Creek. 
He literally staked his all on the cost of a die. He failed and paid 
the penalty— from that day until his death he carried the load of 
defeat, charged up by the unthinking and the personally hostile to 
his incapacity. And many years after his death one of his subor- 
nates has sought to destroy his reputation and merit in history. I 
allude, of course, to the Reminiscences oj the War, by General Gor- 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 225 

don. This book has been commended through the Confederate 
Veteran as " the most important record for the student of correct 
history of the battle of Cedar Creek." Stated concisely, the argu- 
ment of this " record " is that Early lost this battle, and by not fol- 
lowing Gordon's advice. I would be untrue to convictions derived 
from witnessing that calamitous field, confirmed by reading all that 
the record contains of it, if I did not challenge the statement that 
General Gordon's Reminisce?ises is "correct history" of Cedar 
Creek. I can but wish that the task had been taken up by some 
one better qualified by station and ability to give weight to the truth 
of which I testify; concerning a battle that General Gordon states 
" no other save Gettysburg has provoked such conflicting and varied 

Any account of Cedar Creek calls for a statement of numbers of 
the two forces. Here there is no little conflict. Figures have 
probably been handled in partizan spirit by both sides. But the 
record affords all the data requisite for approximate accuracy, which 
is my aim. The statement of the Union strength has been care- 
fully, and presumably faithfully, compiled in Livermore's Civil 
War Numbers and Losses, and it is here quoted: 

Sixth and 19th Corps " effectives,' 
Eighth Corps, 
Kitching's Division, 

Total infantry and artillery, 

Deduct regulars detached, 
Deduct losses October 13th, . 

Actual infantry and artillery . 

Effective cavalry, ..... 

Total all, . 30,829 

For palpable error Livermore's Confederate table is rejected, and 
the following is taken from the record: 

Early's effective infantry and artillery, September 30th return, 
6,291. From this Gordon's Division is omitted. Its September 
10th return was 2,961. Deduct Winchester and Fisher's Hill 


i, 200 




• 3,289 





226 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

losses, 505, leaving for Gordon's Division at Cedar Creek, 2,405. 
For Kershaw's Division there is no September report. Returns 
August 30th, 3,445. Losses: Humphrey's Brigade, at Berryville, 
Septembr 3d, 148; Bryan, 30; Connor, October 13th, at Cedar 
Creek Crossing, 182. These deducted leave for Kershaw 3,085. 
Early's total infantry and artillery at Cedar Creek, 12,780. Early's 
cavalry, two divisions under Lomax and Rosser, is not enumerated 
in the record. Battles and Leaders gives it at 2,900; or a total of 
15,680. But such was the condition of our cavalry that it was 
almost a negligible quantity, and Lomax, with the largest division, 
never got under fire. 

Judgment is claimed against General Early on the ground that he 
should have made his advance continuous, after the morning vic- 
tory. The claim is founded upon the contention that this was feas- 
ible and was caused to halt by General Early. I maintain that such 
assumption is not warranted by facts. After planning and ordering 
the assault General Early committed it to the division commanders. 
It was especially entrusted to Generals Gordon and Kershaw, who 
led their commands upon separate points, for simultaneous assault, 
and acted, for the time, independently of each other and General 
Early; who, after seeing Kershaw's assault launched, posted himself 
with Wharton's division and the artillery at the pike crossing, until 
it should be uncovered by Kershaw. Conducted by his division 
commanders the attack on the Federal left, Crook's Eighth corps, 
was brilliantly successful. It was so continued until the advance 
halted itself, for cause, to-wit: It spent its force, and encountered a 
vastly superior array of the enemy in a strong defensive position. 
Still, at this juncture, General Early, by his report did order a fur- 
ther advance, by Gordon and Kershaw; which being considered 
impracticable by them was not made. Then, he states, he did not 
deem it prudent to press further, and, therefore, determined to be 
content with trying to hold the advantages gained. Receipt of such 
order has been denied. But admitting this, what does it matter ? 
If continuous advance was not impracticable, why did it halt ? Why 
did not these division commanders make it continuous, while it was 
in their hands? No actual order to halt them has been specified. 
It cannot be contended that any order to advance continuously was 
necessary. Continuous advance as long as practicable was covered 
in the original order of attack. 

It is true that General Gordon's " War Reminiscences " says 
11 orders from headquarters put an end in the early morning to con- 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 227 

centration and energy of pursuit." There is not only no mention 
of such early morning orders in the reports, but General Gordon's 
memory is in conflct with all the record of the facts. The reports 
from Kershaw's and Ramseur's Divisions narrate how every man 
was "concentrated" on the front, and all possible energy of pur- 
suit was had until the halt toward noon. Pegram and WofTord 
were likewise engaged. From personal experence of a never-to-be- 
forgotten kind, I can say that no such orders reached Humphreys' 
Brigade skirmish line, which, closely supported by the battle line, 
pushed ahead as well as it could, and constantly under fire from 
" early morn " to high noon. 

It is on such crude yet positive statements that General Gordon 
seeks to establish that it was " only the marvelous intervention of 
the Confederate commander saved the doomed 6th Corps, nothing 
else could have, had the arrangement for its destruction been car- 
ried out. It was at that hour largely outnumbered." In this battle 
the 6th Corps numbered quite u,ooo men. On the next page to 
the above quotations, Gordon's "War Reminiscences" states 
" Early's army was scarcely 12,000 strong." Certainly there was 
no disparity between these numbers ensuring the "destruction" 
of the less. To further understand why the imperturbable and 
long headed Early was not carried away by his enthusiastic subor- 
dinate's talk of " concentrating and destroying the 6th Corps," he 
knew Sheridan's mounted force of 7,000 men was to be reckoned 
with. He had not forgotten how his army had fled before this same 
powerful contingent at Winchester and Fisher's Hill. And that it 
was then menacing his right with a like overthrow. What General 
Early said to his chief of engineers, Captain Jed Hotchkiss, as he 
was setting out for Richmond, is used by General Gordon to sus- 
tain his attack upon his commander. This was that the captain 
" was not to tell General Lee we should have advanced in the morn- 
ing at Middletown, for we should have done so." While construed 
as a confession of personal culpability, read in connection with 
Early's official report, it mean's complaint against others — perhaps 
against General Gordon, for moving his division to the left, when 
he expected it to hold by the right. 

General Early's report says " punctually at 5 A. M. Kershaw 
reached the enemy's left work and attacked. * * * Very 
shortly after, Gordon attacked the rear." As this order of events 
has been questioned, to the effect that Gordon attacked first, I will 
say that my memory is distinct, that the daybreak stillness was un- 

228 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

broken until the firing of Bryan's Georgia brigade of Kershaw's 
division. Having formed on the creek bank under cover of dark- 
ness, at the first sign of dawn it dashed across, overran the Federal 
picketts, and rushed Crook's surprised men out of their works. 
Bryan's brigade was commanded by Colonel James P. Simms, and 
it here performed one of the most daring acts of the war. It was 
supported by the other brigades of the division. The Federal di- 
vision at this point was commanded by Colonel Thoburn, who was 
killed. The report of his successor reads: " The division having 
been aroused by the firing on the pickett line * * * was quickly 
formed behind the works. * * * The action here was sharp 
and brief. * * * But so heavy and impetuous was the enemy's 
advance that the retreat of the first and third brigades was soon 
converted into a confused rout. * * * I at once hastened to- 
wards the headquarters of Colonel Thoburn, commanding division 
to suggest that he get a line formed by the forces to our rear. 

* * * But before the proposed arrangement could be effected, 
the forces on their left were being assailed." Crook's line, with 
the right resting on the Shenandoah across which Gordon came and 
attacked his extreme left, or rear, as stated in the quoted report, af- 
ter the works on the creek, where Kershaw struck, were forced. 

By the sheer audacity of his brilliantly conceived and skillfully 
planned attack, the Confederate commander (General Early) sur- 
prised and stampeded the 8th Federal Corps, and placed himself 
on the flank and rear of Sheridan's position. This compelled the 
quick abandonment by the enemy of their camps and much artil- 
lery. It has been quite commonly assumed by Confederate writers 
that the rout embraced the 19th Corps, Sheridan's centre. Some 
even include the 6th Corps. This view is given color by Sheridan's 
report, which it well suits General Gordon's argument to quote. 
It is enough to say that it has been bitterly assailed by some of his 
subordinates, for exaggerating the desperation of the situation when 
he came on the field, that he might receive the more personal credit 
for saving the day. His picture of the rout and confusion is shown 
to be highly discolored by all the other Federal reports. Says 
General Emory, commander of the 19th Corps: 

"At early dawn my whole command was under arms, * * * 
when I heard firing to the left. Guided by the firing I ordered the 
2d Brigade to cross the pike to support General Crook. * * * 
It soon became fiercely engaged. * ■ * * It was impossible to 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 229 

make a permanent stand in consequence of the steady flanking by 
the enemy's right. I therefore ordered my command to establish a 
new line of resistance. About i o'clock I received information that 
the enemy were advancing on me in force. Within an hour they 
charged my line * * but were promptly driven back, this being, 
as I believe, the first permanent repulse they received during the 
day. General McMillan, commanding the ist Division of this 
corps, says of the attack on it in the morning: 'The 2d Brigade 
was soon driven by overwhelming force, but not until completely 
flanked and nearly a third were killed, wounded or captured. The 
1 st Brigade held their position as long as it was necessary, when 
they fell back in good order, * * fighting all the way to a line 
in continuation of the line of the 6th Corps. * * While I was 
constantly driven back, I do not believe my command was at any 
time whipped, in its own opinion, or unwilling to turn and attack 
the enemy.' General Birge, commanding the other division of the 
19th Corps, after the wounding of General Grover, says of the 
morning attack: 'Pressed by an overwhelming force, and having 
already lost very heavily, our line was forced back, retiring in good 
order. * * From the positions taken by the brigades as described 
above, they gradually retired, making stands at three different 
points until an advance was ordered. Every brigade kept its or- 
ganization during the day, and with few exceptions the behavior of 
officers and men was all that could be asked for.' " 


The Sixth corps, the largest, formed Sheridan's right, and was 
remote from the force on which Early's daylight blow so crushingly 
fell. General Wright, until Sheridan came, the commander-in-chief, 
says in his report: " The proceedings to this point were bad enough 
for us, as it gave the enemy, almost without a struggle, the centre 
left of our line with considerable artillery, not a gun of which had 
fired a shot. But the reserve of this line * * * was in no way 
involved in the disaster of the first line, which was, after all, but a 
small part of our whole force, being only one weak division, and its 
loss was in no wise to be taken as deciding the fate of the day." 
General Getty, commanding the Second division of the Sixth corps, 
thus tells how it was moved on the line of resistance: 

" Obliquing to the right to gain the pike, the division retired in 
perfect order, marching slowly and making several halts to a posi- 
tion about a mile north of Middletown." Says Geifer, commanding 

230 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Third Division, Sixth corps: " My line was at no time driven from 
any position, but was withdrawn from one position to another under 
orders." There is no report from the other division of the corps, 
but the brigade reports show the same general facts as the other 

These reports, it will be perceived, wholly disprove certain critic 
views of the condition of the Union forces, the extent of the dis- 
order and dismay that prevailed after the rout of Crook's corps, 
and with this disproof of the continuous advance theory, on which 
has been founded the impeachment of the brave and capable though 
unlucky and unpopular General Early, sustains a puncture. The 
exaggerated idea which the record dispels was not altogether unnat- 
ural the morning of the battle. The din and dust raised by the 
wild flight down the pike by Crook's command, swelled by the 
camp followers and transportation of the Nineteenth corps, the sight 
of the abandoned camps and much artillery, by all of the infantry, 
did look like the whole of Sheridan's army was in it. 

General Early was misled into stating in his report that Kershaw 
and Gordon swept everything before them, routing the Eighth and 
Nineteenth corps. Part only of the Nineteenth was routed. Ex- 
trication from a very awkward position compelled the rapid rear- 
ward shifting of the Sixth and Nineteenth corps to get round Early's 
centre and in front of his right. This movement, performed under 
constant pressure of attack, enforcing a quick abandonment of suc- 
cessive lines of battle formed to beat off our advance, presented an 
appearance of rout, which it was not. 


The appearance was especially calculated to deceive General Gor- 
don. Having transferred his command from the right to the ex- 
treme left of our advance, the sequential retrogressions, while 
bringing on contact and collision with Kershaw and Ramseur, were 
quite away from Gordon. He thus failed to perceive the extent of 
his resistance to our advance, in front of the center and right. To 
make this clear, the report of Ramseur' s Division, by General 
Grimes, is here quoted from: "Grimes' Brigade, ordered forward, 
charged most gallantly, but being greatly overlapped on both flanks, 
was forced to fall back. Smith's Brigade of Wharton's Division 
charged the same wooded hill, but was likewise repulsed." Wof- 
ford, of Kershaw, was then sent to help make the "advance con- 
tinuous" on our right. But, after it came up, this report reads, 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 231 

"it was not thought advisable to move it against this strong posi- 
tion. * * * The infantry remained quiet until by a concentrated 
fire of the artillery the 6th Corps was dislodged. * * The divis- 
ion was reformed and rested upwards of an hour. * * * The 
enemy had again made a stand about three-quarters of a mile in 
advance. * * * Here again we halted perhaps for an hour." 
These affairs and halts, unordered by Early, tell why our "advance" 
was not "continuous." The experience of the brigade of Ker- 
shaw — Humphrey's — connecting with Ramseur, is remembered by 
the writer as similar to this. After the rout of Crook on the east 
of the pike, about 7 A. M., Kershaw led his division across it to 
assail the 19th Corps. This brought on a serious fight, in which 
the Mississippi brigade was repulsed. The other brigades of the 
division, except Wofford, coming in on our left, the enemy was 
forced to withdraw. We followed up with halting and fighting, 
much as told in General Grimes' report of Ramseur's division, 
which he commanded after that officer fell. 


The casualty lists of the Confederates are very imperfect, but 
enough is given, with the Federal losses, to dispel the idea that our 
advance was unresisted. Of Early's corps proper the losses are 
given for only one brigade — Grimes' (North Carolina) of Ramseur's 
division. It lost 119 men killed and wounded. Three brigades of 
Kershaw's division sustained losses as follows: Connor's (South 
Carolina), killed and wounded, 185, missing, 205; Simms' (Geor- 
gia), "about 200 killed and wounded." This probably includes 
the "missing." Humphrey's, 117 killed and wounded, 67 missing; 
most of the missing were killed or wounded. The brigades were 
all small. Connor had about 1,250 officers and men in line; Simms 
about 600, and Humphreys about 500. It will be readily seen that 
their casualties, while not extraordinarily heavy for Confederate 
troops, do not sustain the character of the advance as pictured in 
Gordon's war reminiscences. They were mostly sustained before 
the evening fight and rout. The casualties of the Union troops tell 
with even greater emphasis that they were in a fight as well as a 
footrace. The Sixth corps lost 2,126; the Nineteenth, 2,368; the 
Eighth, 960; cavalry, 196 — total, 5,665; of which over 4,000 were 
killed and wounded. The Nineteenth corps losses were practically 
all sustained in the morning, when assailed by Kershaw. 

282 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


Such losses go far to sustain the conviction that considering the 
disparity of numbers, barring the evening rout for which he was not 
responsible, Early got all out of the battle that was possible. Of 
the Confederate break up in the afternoon, Gordon's " War Remi- 
niscences" reads: " There was a large gap between my right and 
the main Confederate line. One after another of my staff was di- 
rected to ride with all speed to General Early and apprise him of 
the hazardous situation. Receiving no satisfactory answer, I my- 
self finally rode to headquarters to urge that he re-enforce the left 
and fill the gap ... or else that he concentrate his entire force 
for desperate defense or immediate withdrawal. He instructed me 
to stretch out the already weak line and take a battery to the left. 
I rode back at a furious gallop to execute these most unpromising 
measures. It was too late. The last chance had passed of saving 
the army from its doom. I reached my command only in time to 
find the initial columns of Sheridan rushing through the gap." As 
our whole force was on the front, and every inch of the line men- 
aced, where could Early have drawn re-enforcements from ? The 
center had already been attenuated by detaching Wofford's brigade 
to the right. And how could "concentration or withdrawal" have 
been effected in the open country, in the presence of such a cav- 
alry? There was nothing to be done but to fight where we stood. 
At the very time General Gordon rode to Early to ask help for the 
left, our right and center were fighting for life. The break up of 
the line reached Kershaw and Ramseur shortly after they had in- 
flicted a decided and bloody repulse on the enemy's attack — an at- 
tack that may not have succeeded had it been met with equal reso- 
lute spirit on the left. Where the Mississippi brigade stood, the 
fighting was at close quarters, and on the field in our front the dead 
and wounded lay thick. Connor's South Carolina brigade was on 
our left, and the report of its commander, Major James M. Goggin, 

" Soon after this the enemy made an attack on Humphrey's which 
was met by such a heavy fire, so coolly delivered by that brigade 
and the right of my own, that the enemy were checked and driven 
back. A repetition of the attack met with a like result, and the 
firing ceased along the whole line." 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 233 


The fact is Sheridan's attempt to win back the day was beaten by 
this repulse in the centre; by Kershaw and Ramseur. It was only 
revived by the panic that originated on our (Gordon's) left. How 
that occurred is thus told in General Custer's report: 

"About ii A. M. I was directed to transfer my command again 
to the right flank and take charge of affairs. . . There being no 
connection between the left of the enemy and Rosser's cavalry, I 
succeeded in moving a portion of my command to a position almost 
in rear of the enemy. ... I caused my battery to open and 
at the same time charged with three regiments. The effect was sur- 
prising. . . It was apparent that the wavering in the enemy s 
ranks betokened a retreat, and that retreat might be converted into 
a rout. . . . Seeing so large a cavalry force bearing rapidly 
down upon an unprotected flank, and their line of retreat in danger 
of being intercepted, the line of the enemy, already broken, now 
gave way in the utmost confusion." 

While the demoralized rout that ensued has commonly been stig- 
matized as disgraceful, after the left was put to flight nothing but a 
rapid movement behind Cedar creek, or to the river, saved the 
whole arm)'- from the possibility of capture. And matters would 
have been much worse but for the splendid service of the artillery, 
commanded by Colonel Thomas H. Carter, which held the pursuing 
cavalry in check. The retreat was communicated to Humphrey's 
Brigade in a very difficult situation. For strength of position it 
had been projected somewhat beyond the general line, behind a 
projecting stone fence. And on the first motion of withdrawal the 
force we had beaten came on us and Ramseur's left with a rush. 
As soon as we got on fighting ground the men were rallied. Here 
the resistance was spirited. But the misfortune of the fatal day 
culminated in the death of our brigade-commander, Lieutenant- 
Colonel John H. Sims, of the 21st Mississippi. A man of daring 
spirit and coolest courage, possessed of a personal dominance that 
swayed all around him; after his fall the brigade was resolved into 
the general rout. 


The fatal obstacle to the " continuous advance " theory was Sher- 
idan's mounted force. In the face of the experience of its prowess 

234 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

at Winchester a month before, it is treated by Early's Cedar Creek 
censors as a negligible quantity. It really decided the day that 
begun in triumph and ended in gloom. It embraced about 7,000 
men, equipped with horses and arms of the best. In numbers our 
cavalry was no more than a half, and was made inefficient arid timid 
by poor mounts and frequent defeat fighting against vast odds. In 
his report of a previous engagement MajorGeneral Lomax says: 

' ' I lost four pieces of artillery on account of the miserable condi- 
tion of the horses. ... I will state that this division has been 
wanting in organization, in discipline, in arms. It is composed of 
good material." 

In his report of this affair General Early said: "The enemy's 
cavalry is so superior to ours in numbers and equipment that it is 
impossible for ours to compete with his; . . . besides, the com- 
mand is demoralized. It would be better if they could be put into 
infantry. But if that were tried lam afraid they would all run off. " 

To show the strength and importance of the Union cavalry on 
this field, I will quote from Annals of the War, an account by Major 
Nettleton, of the Second Ohio cavalry: 

"The divisions of Merritt and Custer, aggregating nearly 8,000 
of the finest mounted troops in the w r orld, were on the right of the 
infantry. ... It was no longer a matter of indifference where 
cavalry was placed. For the first time during the war the Federal 
cavalry was really raised to the dignity of a third arm of the service 
and given its full share in the hard fighting. With their Spencer 
repeating carbines, their experience in transferring themselves into 
foot soldiers, Sheridan's mounted force was at once the eye and 
the right arm of his fighting column. ' Custer, advance 

to the centre,' was the laconic command from General Wright. 
And as the sun was rising four thousand troopers, with accompany- 
ing batteries, marched into the fight. ' ' 

Both Custer and Merritt were marched from Sheridan's right and 
interposed across the advance of Early's right. Says General Mer- 
ritt' s report: 

" About 10 o'clock the First division was moved to the left and 
disposed so as to cover the Valley pike and the country to the left." 

Custer's report reads: 
" An order received to move all my command except three regi- 
ments to the extreme left." 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 235 


Such a force drawn across its front seems a perfect answer in itself 
to the question "should Early's advance have been continuous?" 
It is brushed aside in his book of War Reminiscences, by General 
Gordon, in the following: 

"The brave and steady 6th Corps could not possibly have es- 
caped had the proposed concentration and assault upon it been per- 
mitted. ... In thirty minutes the yelling- Confederate infantry 
would have been rushing relentlessly on its flanks, front and rear. 
We halted, we hesitated, we dallied, we waited, for what ? It is 
claimed by the confederate commander that we were threatened 
with cavalry on our right, whereas General Lomax was on that 

This passage is transparently extravagant. Under any circum- 
stances foot soldiers can, in an open country, withdraw and " es- 
cape" from foot soldiers. As to Lomax's cavalry, it was miles 
away, on the Front Royal- Wincester pike, and engaged with another 
Federal cavalry division. It was designed for him to effect connec- 
tion with the right, but he never got up. In his report he states he 
"was unable to communicate with General Early through the day. 
I endeavored to strike the pike at Middletown, but found it occupied 
by the enemy." This was after our rout had set in. The only 
cavalry "on that flank " was Payne's Brigade, 300 strong. 

Of the movement and the use of the Union cavalry Gordon's 
War Reminiscences says: 

"The Union cavalry was sent back to Sheridan's left, when it 
was discovered there was no danger of serious assault by Early." 

The two cavalry divisions were shifted from one of the Union 
flanks to the other to check Early's right, on which his whole ad- 
vance pivoted. Everything depended on our right — so long as it 
advanced, Sheridan's base was menaced and his retreat forced. To 
show this was so, I quote Custer's report more fully: 

"An order was received to move to the extreme left and arrest 
the enemy at that point, where he had turned our flank and was 
driving our line before him with every prospect of obtaining pos- 
session of the pike to Winchester But for the cavalry 

the enemy would have penetrated to the rear of the army." 

236 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

I will now quote from the report of General Merritt, who com- 
manded Sheridan's other cavalry division, and who secured position 
in front of Early's right at 10 A. M. : 

" Orders were sent to every brigade to press the enemy warmly. 
Never did men fight betier. The line advanced nearly to Middle- 
town. ■ This advance was intended more as an offensive defense. 
The enemy withdrew from the open country. Sheltered by the 
woods and houses in our front, Kershaw (Wofford's Brigade) and 
Pegram continued a sharp skirmish, varied by attacks on both 

Here we re?A a complete explanation of why Early's advance 
halted. The centre, which had its own troubles besides, could not 
go forward with the right — checked by Sheridan's 7,000 mounted 
men — halted. And it was when it had been halted, and a division 
of the 6th Corps had joined the cavalry, that Custer's division — not 
the whole cavalry force, as stated by General Gordon — was "sent 
back to Sheridan's right." 


I will record here an opinion: That had General Gordon not 
shifted his division from our pivotal right, the point of effecting 
"concentration," where was most needed the momentum of his 
splendid " firing line " presence, it might never have fallen to his 
lot to deplore the morning halt in Early's advance; and certainly no 
evening rout. His attack on his commander must not be permitted 
to divert attention from General Gordon's morning mistake, and its 
influence upon his evening mishap. " I am confident the services 
of the cavalry on the left flank cannot be overestimated." It was 
this check, duly given, that enabled Sheridan to form his ranks for 
the evening assault and victory. 


The attempted conviction of General Early for the Cedar Creek 
disaster, which is so unfairly and strenuously argued in Gordon's 
War Reminiscences, is a renewal of attacks that appeared in Rich- 
mond papers of the period. Gordon was taxed by Early with in- 
stigating them, and they quareled. The controversy was camp 
talk, intensified, as it was, by an order read to the regiments in 
which General Early bitterly reproached them for the loss of the 

Battle of Cedar Creek. 237 

victory by misconduct. In his report it is charged that "so many 
of our men had stopped in the camp to plunder, in which I am 
sorry to say that officers participated." In the order referred to, 
which may be found in the old Richmond files of newspapers, he 
was much more severe. In it he said, as recalled in substance by 
memory, that " the general officer who details a guard over a cap- 
tured sutler's wagon is as guilty as the private who plunders a knap- 
sack." This reference applied to a certain case reported by the 
officer of the quartermaster's department who was ordered to bring 
off the captured wagons, supplies, etc., which was well calculated 
to anger General Early. But I am sure that he was mistaken as to 
the plundering. This did not go to the extent of materially weak- 
ening the battle line. As to Kershaw's division, I speak from 
knowledge. Moving to the attack on the Nineteenth corps after the 
rout of Crook, its line of battle swept through the deserted camps, 
abounding in all that our soldiers lacked, without a man leaving 
ranks. General Early spoke in heat, and much allowance is due 
him. His brilliant victory had been thrown away, and his reputa- 
tion ruined by the panic of the evening. 

Covered as he was with the cloud of defeat, a popular hue and 
cry was raised against General Early which resulted in his loss of 
popular confidence. But among the officers and soldiers of Cedar 
Creek there was a strong feeling that fate had dealt most unjustly 
with him. This was my belief then, and it has been changed to 
positive conviction by reading the reports of the record. It was, 
certainly, the common opinion among the officers and men of Ker- 
shaw's division, which had its full share of the fighting. The 21st 
Mississippi, to which I belonged, suffered more heavily than any. 
Of one hundred, rank and file, seventeen were buried on the field, 
thirty-four wounded and nineteen missing. Few, if any, of our 
command considered Early culpably responsible for the defeat. 
After the close of the fighting in the morning, he rode across our 
brigade front with Kershaw, our gallant and trusted division com- 
mander. In the cheering with which they were greeted, Kershaw's 
name was called. Drawing rein and turning to the line, he pointed 
to Early and said: "There is the man entitled to your cheers." 
For fair and dispassionate judgment of Cedar Creek, testimony from 
Kershaw's division possesses peculiar value. It did not belong to 
the 2d Corps, but was sent from Richmond as a reinforcement in 
the Valley operations. After a month's stay, it was ordered back. 
But, overtaken at Culpeper by news of the Winchester defeat, it 

238 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

was returned again to the Valley On rejoining Early, Kershaw's 
men were impressed by the loss of confidence in him among his 
troops. This seemed as severe and unreasoning as the demorali- 
zation incident to it was surprising and unprecedented in the Army 
of Northern Virginia. But it did not infect Kershaw's division. 


That General Early's unpopularity and loss of confidence was due 
to repellant manner and the foment of personal ill-will, more than 
military mistakes or lack of capacity, there can be no doubt. In 
the month between his Winchester and Cedar Creek defeats oppo- 
sition to him took shape in an effort for his displacement from com- 
mand of the Valley forces. This was urged upon General Lee 
through Governor Smith, who had commanded a brigade in Early's 
division. The correspondence between them appears at page 893, 
etseq., Part II, Vol. XLIII, Rebellion Records. The Governor 
bases his request for Early's removal from command of the Valley 
army on "a letter from an officer who has my entire confidence." 
The following is quoted from the letter: 

" General Early's appearance along the line of march excites no 
pleasure, much less enthusiasm and cheers. No salute is given. 
He is not greeted at all by private or officer, but is allowed to pass, 
neither receiving or taking notice. The army once believed him a 
safe commander and felt they could trust to his caution, but unfor- 
tunately this has proved a delusion and they cannot, do not, and 
will not, give him their confidence. He was surprised at Winchester. 
He did not expect a general engagement thatda}^. This destroyed 
the confidence in him, and Fisher's Hill was the terrible sequence 

General Lee replied, asking the name of the officer quoted — that 
justice to General Early required that he should be informed of th 
accusations against him, and the name of his accuser. This, in 
second letter, Governor Smith stated he did not feel at liberty to 
furnish. But he resumed the request for a change of commanders 
and rehearsed the charges on which the request was based at much 
length. In General Lee's response he defended General Early with 
vigor. Of his conduct at Winchester he said: " General Brecken- 
ridge, who was present on that occasion, informed me that, in his 
opinion, the dispositions made by General Early to resist the enemy 
were judicious and successful until rendered abortive by a misfor 
tune which he could not prevent, and which might have befallen 
any other commander. He also spoke in high terms of Genera 


Battle of Cedar Creek. 239 

Early's capacity and energy as displayed in the campaign while 
General Breckenridge was with him." As General Breckenridge 
had been urged by Governor Smith as Early's successor, this excerpt 
very naturally ended the correspondence. And there is every reason 
to believe that General Lee went to his grave with his estimate of 
General Early unchanged. The following is taken from President 
Davis's endorsement on the correspondence between Governor 
Smith and General Lee: 

" With less opportunity to learn all the facts than General Lee 
possessed, I had reached the conclusion which he expresses. With 
the knowledge acquired after events, it is usually easy to point out 
modes which would have been better than those adopted. 
A gallant officer who was with General Early in all his movements 
until the battle of Winchester, in which he was wounded, has given 
me a very favorable account of his conduct as a commander, and 
certainly differs very decidedly from the correspondent of the Gov- 
ernor as to the estimate in which General Early is held by the troops 
of his command." 

Any calm review of Cedar Creek, of the attack from a force of 
Confederate infantry upon a strongly fortified position held by near 
twice their number, supported by a cavalry more than double our 
cavalry, will rather condemn General Early for not having halted 
his advance sooner, than for failure in effort to make it continuous. 

J. S. M'Neily. 
Vicksburg, Miss., October, 1904. 

240 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Times- Dispatch, January 8, 1905.] 


In the Three Days' Battle at Fredericksburg, July, 1863. 


Deaths of Lieutenants Morris and Eustace. 

By C. R. Fleet (now of Lynchburg, Va.) 

Edited by U. S. Senator J. W. Daniel. 

On the morning of July 1, 1863, the Fredericksburg Artillery, 
Captain Edward S. Marye commanding (better known as Braxton's 
Battery, from its first captain), marched with the advance brigades 
of Heth's division (Archer's and Davis's brigades) from Cashtown, 
taking the turnpike toward Gettysburg. About 9 o'clock we struck 
a small body of cavalry. The two brigades formed line of battle, 
and two of our guns were unlimbered in front of a brick building 
which looked like an old Virginia county courthouse tavern. We 
opened fire on the squad of cavalry, scattering them immediately. 
This was the first artillery fire in the battle of Gettysburg. 

In a few minutes we limbered up and proceeded on our march for 
a mile or thereabouts and took position in the edge of a beautiful 
oak grove on the left of the pike. Here we were soon hotly en- 
gaged with the enemy's batteries, one of which we learned after- 
wards was Grimes' Battery of regulars. Their firing was steady 
and well aimed, though none of our battery was struck in this posi- 
tion. Lieutenant Morris, battalion ordnance officer, a gallant young 
gentleman, was mortally wounded here, while riding in rear of our 
guns across the line of fire. 

After being in this position for perhaps a half or one hour, we 
moved down into a plain, where we were joined by the other batte- 
ries of the battalion (Pegram's). While in this position we fired 
into a group of officers, some of whom fell and one of whom was 
carried off on a litter. We supposed afterwards that this was Gen- 
eral Reynolds, a gallant Federal officer, who did receive his death 

The Fredericksburg Artillery. 241 

wound from an artillery shell. Running diagonally across our front 
was a railroad cut, in which were a number of infantry, perhaps as 
many as a regiment, which were annoying us with their minie balls. 
Colonel Pegram ordered two guns of the Letcher battery to fire 
obliquely to the right in this cut. (We were too far to the right to 
fire into the mouth of this cut.) Two or three shots from the 
Letcher battery brought the infantry out in " rough-roll-and-tum- 
ble " fashion. It was amusing to watch Martin Douglas, a great 
big Galway Irishman, a member of the Letcher battery, fire his gun. 
He was number four at the gun, whose duty it is to pull the lanyard 
which fires the charge. Before pulling his lanyard he would, every 
time, cross himself and mutter, "Lord, be marsiful to their poor 

The Federal infantry driven from the cut fell back into the turn- 
pike, slightly depressed at this point, its side bank thus forming a 
fair breastwork. By some oversight, or hurry, or misunderstanding 
two flags were left standing in their front some twenty or thirty 
yards. These flags led to a gallant little hand-to-hand fight between 
three Confederates and as many Federal soldiers, who had sprung 
from their respective sides and rushed forward, the one to capture 
and the other to save the flags. Two on each side were killed or 
wounded, the one Confederate left carrying off triumphantly the 
regimental flag, while the remaining " boy in blue " bore away the 
" Stars and Stripes." General Lee came on that part of the field 
later in the afternoon, and, being told of the gallant act, called up 
the young solder, and the writer heard him thank him in his digni- 
fied and courteous way for his zeal and courage and promised to 
report it to President Davis. How we bystanders envied that young 
fellow those words of thanks from our great leader. 

To resume the record of our battery: While in this position we 
ceased firing after an hour or two as Rodes's division came sweep- 
ing across the field from our left, bearing for the first time the new 
Confederate flag, with the white field and the beloved battle flag for 
a union. How we yelled as we saw this splendid body of men 
swing into perfect line and rush forward to the charge ! And 
with what anxiety of heart did we watch that new flag in its onset, 
praying that it might not fall, but continue its onward course to 
wave in triumph over our enemies ! It went onward in its proud 
course as that gallant division swept everything before it, and we 
trusted it was an omen of victory. 

After this onset there was comparatively little fighting the balance 

242 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of the day, and we were moved across the pike to a position almost 
exactly in the centre of General Lee's lines. This position we held 
for the remaining two days of the great battle, doing our part in the 
terrific artillery duels of both days, losing our gallant Lieutenant 
Eustace and several privates, and witnessing that grand infantry 
charge on the third day, which has seldom been equalled and never 
surpassed in the history of the war. We fired our guns until too 
hot to hold the hand on them, and then waited — and waited — and 
waited until heart-sick at the inexplicable delay in the forward move- 
ment which we knew was to follow. Oh, how we missed our old 
commander, " Old Jack," who would so promptly have taken ad- 
vantage of the enemy's demoralization from the splendid artillery 
firing. The charge came too late, as we all know now. 

As our battery started from Fredericksburg for the Pennsylvania 
campaign the writer donned, as the best he could get, a pair of old 
shoes thrown away by one of the boys who had received a new pair 
from his home nearby. This ancient and holey foot-gear he wore 
and kept together by diligent care and sundry strings all through 
that tedious and muddy march. But on that second day they ut- 
terly refused further service and had to be consigned to shoe ceme- 
tery, to become food for goats or crumble into the inhospitable 
Pennsylvania dust. About the same time his caisson was blown up 
by a shot from the enemy, and along with it went all his rations, 
which had been tied on this caisson. The melange of external gray 
with internal blue, resulting from a sense of defeat in battle, a two 
or three days' hunger (which could have been borne cheerfully if 
we had won the battle), and utterly bare and very tender feet can 
better be imagined than described. More rations were obtained on 
the afternoon of July 5th, but the poor feet had to tough it out till 
they were carried back to old Virginny. 

The Ironclad Ram Virginia. 243 

[From the Richmond, Va M News-Leader, April 2, 1904.] 


And Her Memorable Engagements of March 8 and 9, 1862, 


By WM. R. CLINE, One of Her Crew. 

Newport News, Va., April r, 1904. 

The great celebration which Virginians are arranging for Tuesday 
next, 5th, the day set for the launching of the magnificent first- 
class battleship Virginia at the local shipyard, is largely due to the 
fact that they look upon the new fighter as the namesake of the 
formidable Confederate ironclad Virginia {Merrimac), which, with 
Ericsson's Monitor taught the world how warfare on the sea should 
be carried on. 

The new Virginia s launching announcement caused the people 
of this section particularly to remember this week that the first 
fight between iron-clads took place just forty-two years ago. 

William R. Cline, an employee of the Newport News Shipbuilding 
and Drydock Company, was a member of the crew of the old Vir- 
ginia, and seen at one of his haunts on the anniversary of the battle, 
he made the following interesting statement, which contains some 
facts which have probably never found their way in print before: 

"Much has been said and written about the great naval battle 
in Hampton Roads on March 8 and 9, 1862, between the Confed- 
erate iron-clad ram Virginia and the Federal fleet then stationed 
in these waters. History, in all cases that I have heard of, refers 
to the ship as the Merrimac, but I want to say right here that there 
never was a vessel in the Confederate States .navy called by that 
name. The Merrimac was a United States frigate, burned, scuttled 
and sunk at Gosport navyyard in 1861. The old hulk was raised, 
rebuilt and converted into an ironclad, and when she was launched 
there were only four marines and a corporal aboard. I was one of 
the five who did duty that day, and was stationed in the bow when 

244 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the ship went down the ways into the water, she being then and 
there christened Virginia. There were no invitations to governors 
and other distinguished men, no sponsor nor maid of honor, no 
bottle of wine, no brass band, no blowing of steam whistles, no 
great crowds to witness this memorable event. The launching was 
accomplished quietly, only officers and men stationed at the navy- 
yard witnessing it. I have never read in any history or in reports 
of any of our officers a true account of this launching. Strange as 
this may seem, it is a fact that there was only one officer of the Vir- 
ginia's crew who was present at the time the vessel was launched 
and he was Captain Reuben Thorn. All of the other officers and 
men of the crew were aboard a school ship then lying oft the navy- 
yard, and they did not come on board until the ship was commis- 

" I was surprised at the erroneous naming by Governor Montague 
at the banquet held at Hotel Chamberlain on April 18, 1903, in 
honor of the sponsor of the cruiser West Virginia, He referred 
to the fight between the Merrimac and the Monitor. 

" Before I go into detail in regard to the two days' engagement, 
I want to speak of a rousing speech made by our commander, Frank- 
lin Buchanan, to his officers and men just before the fight began. 
In his closing remarks he said: 'The eyes of the whole world are 
upon you this day, and in the good old name of Virginia let every 
man do his duty.' 

"That duty was done, and done bravely, and I believe injustice 
to those heroes on both sides, irrespective of prejudice or ill-feeling, 
they should stand in the front rank of the brave before the world as 
the founders of iron-clad warfare at sea. 


"About 11 o'clock Saturday the Virginia, then flagship, twelve 
guns, Captain Franklin Buchanan commanding, accompanied by 
the Raleigh and Beaufort, one gun each, left Gosport navyyard; 
when we were opposite Norfolk all hands were piped to dinner. 
After dinner all hands were called to quarters. 

"Then 'All hands ready for action' was heard, Captain Buch- 
anan speaking from the quarter-deck. Not one of the crew up to 
that time knew or suspected what he would hear from the captain, 
although we had crossed the roads and were closing in upon the 
enemy. The latter began to pour shot and shell into us, but with 

The Ironclad Bam Virginia. 245 

no effect, as all the missies which struck the ship's sides slid off 
without inflicting- the slighest damage. 

" Our first shot was from the bow gun, No. i (7 a-inch rifle), fired 
into the Cumberland. Immediately after firing, we rammed the 
starboard bow of the Cumberland an d in fifteen minutes all was 
over, the vessel going down with her guns firing and colors flying. 
No braver heroes ever lived than the men who manned the Cum- 
ber la?id. 

' ' After sinking the Cumberland 'we were reinforced by the steamers 
Patrick Henry, Jameslowji and Teaser, of the James river fleet, 
which rendered good service. We engaged the Congress and had 
considerable difficulty in getting in proper position, being under 
heavy fire from the shore batteries and the fleet of the enemy. In 
manoeuvering we silenced several of the shore batteries, blew up a 
steamer at the wharf, sank a sailing vessel and captured a schooner, 
which we sent to Norfolk. In the meantime the Congress had been 
run aground, and, getting in position, we commenced firing upon 
her. Our shots took quick effect, and the vessel hauled down her 
colors and sent up the white flag, many of the men hurriedly leav- 
ing the ship. 

"Our commander sent the Beaufort and the Raleigh to rescue 
the wounded aboard the Congress. Just as they were in the act of 
taking these poor mortals to safety and while the white flag was 
still flying, the shore batteries and the guns on the Congress opened 
fire upon our boats, killing some officers and men — a cowardly act 
in warfare. 


" It was then that Captain Buchanan determined that the Congress 
should be destroyed. Lieutenant Minor volunteered to burn the 
vessel, and he started for her with a small boat's crew. When the 
boat was within seventy-five yards of the Congress the crew opened 
fire, wounding Lieutenant Minor and several of his men. After 
this act of treachery the lieutenant and his men returned to the Vir- 

"Then we did pour hot shot and shell into the Congress. She 
took fire and about midnight her magazine blew up. The report 
was heard sixty miles away and the fire could be seen for miles. 

" During all of this time the steam frigate Minnesota and Roanoke 
and the sailing frigate St. Lawrence had been firing broadsides into 
us. The Minnesota grounded, but as night came on the St. Law- 

246 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

re?ice and Roanoke slipped away to safety under the guns of Fort 
Monroe. But we continued to fire on the Minnesota until darkness 
stopped the fighting. 

' ' Let me say right here that the gallant heroes of the Cumber- 
land should be honored in the pages of history. On the other 
hand, however, the crew of the Congress and the men manning the 
shore batteries should be termed in history cowards. They not even 
respected their white flag and fired on us when we were conveying 
wounded prisoners of war to safety. , 

" The following day, Sunday, we began the day with two jiggers 
of whiskey and a hearty breakfast. Then we steamed within a 
mile of the Miyinesota and commenced firing on her again. We 
blew up a steamer alongside of the frigate, and shortly afterwards 
we first knew of the famous fighter, the Monitor. General Sher- 
man's remark, 'War is Hell,' was amply illustrated when the Vir- 
ginia and the Mo?iitor met in Hampton Roads. 

"After the Minnesota incident, the Mo?iitor hove in view and at 
once attacked. 

" We could see nothing but the resemblance of a large cheese 
box, and when the turret revolved we could see nothing but two 
immense guns. On firing thus the turret revolved and the guns 
could not be seen until they were ready to fire again. We could 
hardly get aim at the Monitor' s guns, as they were in sight only 
when being fired, and would disappear immediately thereafter. At 
times the vessels were hardly twenty feet away from each other. 
Every officer and gunner on board the Virginia was puzzled to 
know how to disable the curious little craft. The truth, however, 
was that we could do nothing with her just then. After sparring to 
and fro for better position and looking for deeper water (^the Vir- 
ginia drew twenty-three feet and the Monitor only ten), we finally 
made our way into deep water and the Monitor tried to run across 
our bow or stern. Had she succeeded in these attempts the history of 
the famous fight would have been differently recorded, for we would 
sunk and lost all hands on board. After these failures, our execu- 
tive officer, Captain Catesby P. Jones, deemed it best to ram the 
Mo?iitor. We made two efforts to do this, but as we had lost our 
steel prow the day before in sinking the Cumberland, we could not 
harm the Mo?iitor. 

"Neither vessel succeeded in accomplishing the other's ruin. 
While fighting the Monitor we were under heavy fire from the 
beached Minnesota, although it had no effect. We could not get 

The Ironclad Ram Virginia. 247 

our guns to bear on the Minnesota properly, and, although we set 
her on fire and did considerable damage, we were too far away to 
make a clean sweep of her. 

''The fight between tke Virginia and the Monitor was on for 
fully four hours, neither vessel seeming to suffer from the effects of 
the other's broadsides. Finally the Monitor ran off into shoal water, 
trying to coax us to follow her (a Yankee trick) and go aground. 
This we did not do, and from the Monitor' s position neither vessel 
could reach the other with shot. 

" We now made an examination and found we had lost our prow, 
had two guns disabled and had sprung a leak. We remained, how- 
ever, thinking that the Monitor would come out into deep water 
again and renew the engagement. She staid safely in shoal water 
though, and after some time we saw that no more fighting was in 
view. Our officers held a consultation and decided to return to 
Norfolk for repairs. 

"The Monitor remained in her position on the shoals until we 
had crossed the bar on our way to Norfolk. 

" The official report of the damage sustained by the Virginia 
from the time she left the Gosport navy-yard says: ' The Virginia' 's 
loss is two killed and nineteen wounded. The stem is twisted and 
the ship leaks. We lost- our prow, starboard anchor and all the 
boats. The armor is somewhat damaged, the steam-pipes and 
smokestack riddled, the muzzles of two guns shot away. The col- 
ors were hoisted to the smokestack and were shot away several 
times. No one was killed or wounded in the fight with the Mon- 

" The only damage done by the Monitor was to the armor, the 
effect of shot striking obliquely on the shield, breaking the iron and 
sometimes displacing several feet of the outside courses and the 
wooden backing inside. 

" After being repaired at the Gosport navy-yard and having the 
disabled guns replaced, under the supervision of Commodore Josiah 
Tatnall, the Virginia steamed down Hampton Roads about the 
middle of April, expecting to have another fight with the Mo?iitor. 
But there was no fight. The Monitor hugged the other shore under 
the protection of the guns of Fort Monroe. Our commander tried 
several times to persuade the vessel to come out and fight, but she 
never came. 

"On May 8th, a squadron including the Monitor, Galena and 
Nagatuck, bombarded our batteries at Sewall's Point. When our 


Southern Historical Society Papers. 

commander heard of this, he started down to meet the enemy, but 
before the Virginia reached Sewall's Point the enemy's ships had 
drawn off and ceased firing, retreating to the protection of Fort 
Monroe and keeping out of range of our guns. The fact is, the 
Monitor was afraid of the Virginia, running away from her again 
and again. 


"On May ioth, two days after the evacuation of Norfolk, we 
tried to get the Virginia up James river. We lightened her all we 
could, until her shield was out of the water and she was in no con- 
dition to light. Before this, however, all hands were called to 
quarters and Commodore Tatnall, stating the condition of affairs, 
said all hands must work with a will to lighten the ship. Everyone 
worked with a will, but, as everyone believed afterwards, the pilots 
had turned traitors to the good old fighter and to the Confederacy. 
The Virgi?iia could not get over the bar in her path even when she 
did not draw but eighteen feet. 

"The commander then ran the vessel ashore off Craney Island, 
landed the crew and set fire to the ship. The magazine exploded 
about 5 o'clock on the morning of May u, 1862. We arrived at 
Drewry's Bluff the next day. The batteries there repulsed the 
Monitor, Galena and other vessels on May 15, and Drewry's Bluff 
was thereafter called the Marine or Iron battery. 

"During the 8th and 9th of March, 1862, the Confederate fleet 
successfully encountered and defied a force equal to 2,896 men and 
230 guns, as follows: 

" Cojigress (burned), 
1 ' Cumberland (sunk), 
"Minnesota (riddled), 
"Roanoke (scared off), 
"St. Lawrence (peppered), 
" Gunboats (three disabled), 
" Forts (silenced), 






















Following are the vessels which composed the Confederate 


The Ironclad Bam Virginia. 249 

"Steamers Virginia (12 guns), Captain Buchanan; Patrick 
He?iry (12 guns), Commander John R. Tucker; Jamestow?i (2 
guns), Lieutenant-Commander I. W. Barry; gunboats Teaser (1 
gun), Lieutenant-Commander W. A. Webb; Beaufort (1 gun), 
Lieutenant-Commander W. H. Parker; Raleigh (1 gun), Lieuten- 
ant-Commander I. W. Alexander. 

"When the Virginia steamed over from Norfolk to engage the 
Federal fleet, her officers were: 

Flag officer, Franklin Buchanan; executive, Lieutenant Catesby 
A. R. Jones; lieutenants, Charles C. Simms, R. D. Minor, Hunter 
Davidson, J. Taylor Wood, J. R. Eggleston and Walter Butt; 
midshipmen, Fonte, Marmaduke, Littlepage, Craig, Long and 
Roote; paymaster, James Semple; surgeon, Dinwiddie B. Phillips; 
assistant surgeon, Algernons. Garnett; captain of marines, Reuben 
Thorn; engineers, H. A. Ramsey; acting chief, Tynan, Campbell, 
Hening, Jack and White; boatswain, Hasker; gunner, Oliver; 
carpenter, Lindsey; clerk, Arthur Sinclair, Jr.; volunteer aid, 
Lieutenant Douglas F. Forrest; Confederate States army, Captain 
Kevill, commanding detachment of Norfolk United Artillery; signal 
corps, Sergeant Tabb." 

[Our impression is that this list is incomplete; that Dr. Bennett 
Wood Green served on the Virginia as assistant surgeon, and the 
late Virginius Newton, of Richmond, as midshipman. — Editor.] 

250 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the New Orleans, La , Picayune, Mar. 30, Apr. 6, 20, 1902.] 



The seven days' battle around Richmond, in 1862, furnishes a 
text for study and discussion by critics and students of military 
science, which probably takes rank ahead of any of the operations 
of the war. 

We often hear expressions that this or that campaign was " Na- 
poleonic," but in my humble judgment there was more genius in 
the conception of the plan of the seven days' battle, than in any 
movement Napoleon ever made. 

A writer in the Boston Transcript several years ago, in comment- 
ing upon the different generals of the war, stated " McClellan was 
the greatest general developed on either side, and while he was not 
always successful, he never suffered defeat." This statement will 
not be sustained by a single man who served in " the army of the 
Potomac" during the seven days' battle. General McClellan was 
not only defeated at Richmond, but was routed in six of the en- 
gagements; nor is this fact a disparagement of him as a comman- 
der. We believe he displayed much ability, and was at that time 
the only general in the North who could have preserved the organ- 
ization of the Federal army. The attack by General Lee's forces 
was irresistible; no troops with the arms in use at that time could 
have withstood his charges. 

The records show that General McClellan's army numbered 156, 
838 men and 264 cannon. He states that 29,511 of this number 
were sick during the battle, leaving him 127,527 effectives. General 
Lee's army numbered 88,967 effectives, and 166 cannon, which gave 
McClellan a superiority in numbers of 38,360 men and ninety-eight 
cannon. When we consider that General McClellan had nearly one- 
third more men than General Lee, and that the latter attacked and 
defeated him in strongly posted positions, it must be confessed to 
have been a wonderful achievement. Subsequent events showed 
that if General Lee's orders had been promptly executed it would 

Griffith-Bar ksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 251 

not be unreasonable to expect that a large part of McClellan's army 
would have been captured or destroyed. 

For some days after the great battles, the Army of Northern 
Virginia camped along the bank of James river. Barksdale's Bri- 
gade bivouacked at Camp Holly, a locality once occupied as a camp 
by General Washington with his army. The soil along the James 
was quite productive and the extensive fields of corn, which was in 
roasting ear, afforded the greatest enjoyment to the troops. The 
government bought the crops and the soldiers were not long in 
stripping the stalks. Eight and ten ears was an average meal for 
a man. In Richmond every available place was used to shelter the 
great number of our wounded, and at nearly every country house 
wounded men were cared for by the devoted Virginia women. 

The Federal Army returned from whence it came, and very soon 
General Lee transferred his forces beyond the Rapidan. After his 
defeat, McClellan was superseded in command by Major-General 
John Pope, who boldly announced that "he would take Richmond 
without delay." In his orders, which were read to the army, and 
which were extensively published throughout the North, he said: 
■.' The commanding general enjoins his army to discard such phrases 
as 'base of supplies,' and ' lines of retreat,' as unworthy of soldiers 
destined to follow one who has never seen anything but the backs 
of his enemies." 

Pope charmed the Northern people, as well as the Washington 
administration, by his bombastic talk. He even went so far as to 
assert: " Had I such an army as McClellan's before the Richmond 
battles, I would march straight to New Orleans." 

McClellan's army was withdrawn from the peninsula to make a 
junction with the Army of Virginia, in front of Washington. 

The Army of Virginia numbered 50,090 effectives on August 7, 
while the Army of the Potomac numbered in round figures 100,000 
men. Therefore, when General Pope began "The march on-to- 
Richmond," his fighting force numbered 150,000, which was 22,673 
greater than McClellan's effectives before Richmond. 

General Lee's army was reduced 15,000 on account of the killed 
and wounded in the seven days' battles, leaving 73,967 for duty. 
When he departed from Richmond his strength was still further re- 
duced 12,000 by the loss of McLaws' Division, and two brigades, 
under General Walker, left behind for the protection of the city. 
General Lee, therefore, carried with him 61,967 men to meet Pope 
and his army of 150,000. 

252 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Stonewall Jackson led the advance across the Rapidan, and met 
a corps of Pope's army, under General Banks, at Cedar mountain, 
a point about nine miles south of Culpeper Courthouse, where he 
defeated Banks, driving- him back to Culpeper, with a loss of 2,000 
men, while the Confederate loss was about 1,300. Jackson remained 
in front of Culpeper a few days, then fell back to Gordonsville, un- 
willing to hazard an attack from Pope's superior force, which was 
rapidly advancing-. General Lee in the meantime was hurrying 
forward with Longstreet and the two Hills, and joined Jackson at 
Raccoon ford, on the Rapidan river, August 20. 

The defeat of Banks raised in the minds of the Washington gov- 
ernment serious apprehensions for the safety of the city, and every 
available man was sent to re-enforce Pope. When General Lee 
crossed the Rapidan, Pope withdrew his army back to the north 
side of the Rappahannock, which was doubtless a judicious move, 
but it was inconsistent with his recent utterances, and not carrying 
out his own principles, which he explained to the Federal War De- 
partment in these words: "By lying off on their flanks, if they 
should have only 50,000 men, I could whip them. If they should 
have 80,000 men, I would attack their flanks and force them to fol- 
low me into the mountains, which would be just what you want." 
While the conditions were better for Pope than he expressed, yet, 
when the time came to put his tactics into effect, he made no effort 
to carry out his avowed purpose. 

It seems, also, that General Lee was not much disturbed by ap- 
prehensions of Pope " lying off on his flank," but marched straight 
after him. Reaching the Rappahannock, he made pretense of 
crossing, while he sent Jackson thirty-five miles further to his left, 
to cross the river at Henson's mill. 

Jackson did this, and bivouacked for the night at a little place 
called Salem. Continuing his march early the following morning, 
he reached Bristoe station, on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, 
destroyed the depot and tore up the track. At the same time he 
sent Stuart to Manassas junction, where he captured a number of 
prisoners and two batteries, besides an immense supply of quarter- 
master and commissary stores. He also captured Catlett's station, 
with several hundred prisoners and Pope's baggage and official doc- 
uments. His official papers bore the head lines, "Headquarters 
in the Saddle." 

While Jackson marched to Pope's rear, General Lee diverted his 
attention by a pretended effort to cross with Longstreet' s Corps. 

Griffith-Bar ksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 253 

When Pope learned that Jackson was between him and Washing- 
ton he advised General Halleck to withdraw every man from the 
peninsula and move them to the capital. 

Finding, therefore, that no danger threatened Richmond, Gen- 
eral Lee ordered McLaws' Division and two brigades under General 
Walker, which had been left behind, to join him. McLaws' Divi- 
sion was composed of four brigades, Kershaw's South Carolina, 
Semmes' Georgia, Cobb's Georgia and Barksdale's Mississippi. 

We will now leave for a moment the main army, and see what 
McLaws had been doing. On August 10, the enemy moved from 
Harrison's Landing and threatened to attack Richmond. Barks- 
dale was ordered to meet him, while the other brigades awaited de- 
velopments. We, however, had no engagement, because the enemy 
withdrew, and the Mississippians returned to camp, some nineteen 
miles from Richmond. 

In the march to intercept the enemy, Barksdale passed over the 
battle field of White Oak Swamp, where we saw a most harrowing 
sight. A fence extending from the road towards the river was built 
through thick woods, and as the brigade marched along, we saw 
several hundred Federal dead lying in a row. Some were killed 
while in the act of climbing, while others lay on both sides of the 
fence. Buzzards in great numbers had been feeding on them, and 
in many instances had stripped the flesh from their bones. Their 
clothing had been torn by these carrion fowl, and altogether the 
scene was one of indescribable horror. The poor fellows had been 
killed during the night of June 30, and were not found by the bury- 
ing parties sent out after the battle. 

A long ditch was dug and all were buried where they lay. 

Some days after the return to camp, McLaws received orders to 
join the main army, and on August 27 we left Camp Holly about 
sunrise and at 2 o'clock we boarded the cars at Richmond and hur- 
ried to Hanover Junction. This was the terminus of the line, where 
we found tents stretched, the first we had seen for a year. Barks- 
dale's Brigade arrived on the first train and quickly disembarking, 
the men promptly occupied the tents. As other brigades arrived 
and passed beyond, they eyed the Mississippians with envy, and 
many bright bits of repartee were exchanged. We distinctly heard 
the artillery duel preliminary to the great battle of Second Manas- 
sas, which occurred the following day, August 20, and the men were 
eager to join their comrades beyond the Rappahannock. They 
cheered and yelled and speculated about what was going on. Finally 

254 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

they became quiet and all save the guards were soon lost in 
sleep. About midnight a fearful storm came up, the rain fell in 
torrents and the wind blew down the tents. The darkness was very- 
dense, and the Mississippians, so delightfully situated an hour be- 
fore, were struggling to gain their freedom from beneath the canvas. 
The storm continued for two hours or more, and the earth and 
everything on it in that neighborhood was drenched. The situation 
was not pleasant. The men needed rest and sleep to fit them to 
meet and endure the hardships ahead. But that faithful and char- 
acteristic side of the Confederate soldier, which enabled him to 
laugh in the face of misfortune and disaster, was never displayed to 
better advantage than on that dark and stormy night. Men would 
call out for one another, and kept up a merry exchange of pleasant- 
ries. Some would crow, others bark, until finally the entire camp 
began yelling, which was continued during the storm. 

At dawn we began the march to Warrenton, where we crossed the 
river two days later, on a pontoon bridge, and found evidence of 
war on every hand. While continuing the march to Manassas 
Junction, we passed through the battlefield for five or six miles, on 
which the Federal dead lay along the road, in the fields and woods. 
Ambulance corps, litter bearers, and burying parties, from the Fed- 
eral army, under flags of truce, were busy digging ditches and in- 
terring those ghastly relics. The weather was intensely hot, causing 
decomposition to set in and making the stench horrible. The bodies 
were badly swollen. The surroundings were calculated to strike 
the stoutest heart with awe. As Barksdale's Mississippians marched 
among the dead there could be heard expressions of sorrow and 
sympathy on every hand. They were ready to grapple with the 
enemy whenever called on, but as they moved among so many dead 
their hearts were full of pity. 

After crossing the railroad the road changed direction to the left, 
and passing along the side of a hill, which extended into a woods, 
we saw a long line of fancifully dressed men lying dead on the field. 
We learned that during the battle Gregg's Texas Brigade lay in the 
sedge grass about two-thirds the way up the hill, and behind them 
was posted a battery which annoyed the enemy so greatly that the 
Pennsylvania Bucktail Zouaves were sent to capture it. The Fed- 
eral regiment advanced, about 800 strong, in perfect order towards 
the battery, and when almost within talking distance, the Texans, 
with deliberate aim, fired. It looked to us as if this entire regiment 
had fallen dead in line. Some were pierced with two and three 

Griffith- Barksdale-Hurnphrey Mississippi Brigade. 255 

bullets. We were told that not more than ioo escaped, and it was 
probably the greatest mortality which occurred during the war. 
The Zouaves wore red blouse pants and bright blue jackets. They 
also wore bucktails in their hats. Several men of the 18th Missis- 
sippi left the scene with bucktails in their hats, the writer among the 

General Lee, in the meantime, had crossed the Potomac and 
marched into Maryland, and McLaws and Walker hurried to join 
him. Reaching Leesburg, where the Mississippians had spent the 
winter of '61-62, almost the entire population turned out to greet 
them. Old men and ladies, married and single, children and ne- 
groes, gathered along the sidewalks and in the streets, and with 
words of welcome recalled the happy associations of the time spent 
among them. It was a scene never to be forgetten, and from which 
it was difficult to stir the men. All order and formation were dis- 
carded, and officers and men mingled among the throng with mu- 
tual expressions of pleasure. The Barksdale Brigade, with the 8th 
Virginia, fought the battle of Leesburg the year previous and de- 
feated the enemy, which endeared them to the hospitable Vir- 

We crossed the Potomac near the Point of Rocks and marched 
to Frederick City. The Federal army was drawn back within the 
lines of fortifications at Washington, leaving in General Lee's hands 
9,000 prisoners, 11,000 dead and wounded, forty pieces of artillery 
and 30,000 stands of small arms as the result of Second Manassas. 
It was stated that fully 50,000 stragglers reached Washington ahead 
of the army. All the bright anticipations which Pope had caused 
by his effusive bombast, were cast to the earth. Exit Pope ! 

When General Lee put his army in motion after the seven days' 
battle before Richmond, there was no purpose of crossing into the 
enemy's country on a campaign of invasion. His object was to call 
away from the peninsula the Army of the Potomac. His rapid 
march to meet Pope, who moved south from Washington, with 
what was called " The Army of Virginia," had the effect which he 
hoped for. The Federal government, bewildered by General Lee's 
manoeuvers, halted between conflicting opinions for some days. But 
when Jackson defeated Banks at Cedar mountain, on August 9th, 
the liveliest apprehensions were created in Washington, and General 
Halleck ordered McClellan to hasten with all possible speed with 
his army to the capital. Thus relieved from further care for the 

256 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

safety of Richmond, General Lee found little trouble in crushing 

The success of the campaign was remarkable. It was more; it 
was wonderful. On June 28th, McClellan, with 127,000 effective 
men, heavily entrenched, stood in front of Richmond, opposed by 
General Lee with 88,000 men. The latter attacked the Federal 
forces, defeating them, and inflicting a loss of 25,000, according to 
McClellan' s own estimate. On August 7th, General Lee sent Jack- 
son across the Rapidan, and by the 20th had transferred the re- 
mainder of his troops, except McLaws' Division and two brigades 
under Walker, which were left to defend Richmond. He met and 
defeated Pope in the final grapple of August 30th; he shattered the 
Federal army so completely that nothing but the coming on of 
night, which was so often looked for with passionate longing, saved 
it from destruction. The loss on both sides was very heavy. The 
Confederate loss was estimated at 10,000 killed and wounded. No 
official statement of Pope's loss was ever made, but it could not 
have been less than 20,000, including 9,000 prisoners. 

From the vicinity of Richmond, on June 26th, the theatre of 
operations was transferred to the front of Washington. The success 
of the campaign suggested to General Lee, doubtless, the idea of 
crossing into Maryland. 

It seems stange, indeed, that an army so large in numbers, and 
so perfectly equipped as the Army of the Potomac, should be re- 
duced to the humiliation of a defensive position by an inferior 
force. I ask any man who served in Virginia, matters not whether 
he was Federal or Confederate, if General Lee's army had numbered 
150,000, with the equipment McClellan had, could any force or cir- 
cumstance have placed him on the defensive? 

In a previous sketch we left the army encamped in the vicinity of 
Frederick, Md., where it remained for a few days. While there 
General Lee issued a proclamation inviting the Maryland people to 
join the Confederate army, but received no practical assistance, 
which was a disappointment to all. After crossing the river, the 
Confederates were in their jolliest mood, and, although numbers 
were ragged and barefooted, they sang " Maryland, My Maryland," 
as they marched through the country, but a majority of the people 
we saw were unaffected by the demonstration. 

At this time General McClellan was restored to the command of 
the Federal army; and began the march from Washington to meet 
General Lee on Union soil. 

Griffith-Bar ksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 257 

General Lee, learning that the garrison at Harper's Ferry had 
not been relieved, formed plans for its capture, and when McClellan 
reached Frederick, General Lee was two days' march distant. 
Jackson, with his own corps and McLaws' and Walker's divisions, 
was sent to capture Harper's Ferry. Jackson crossed above and 
Walker below the town, while McLaws moved by way of Middletown 
and attacked Maryland heights. Walker took possession of Lou- 
doun heights, while Jackson attacked the town from the rear. In 
the meantime, General Lee moved to Hagerstown and awaited re- 
sults. He expected Harper's Ferry would be reduced, and the 
army concentrated again before McClellan could reach him, but, 
through an act of carelessness on the part of some one, a copy of 
General Lee's order for the movement fell into McClellan' s hands 
at Frederick, which enabled the latter to act intelligently and quickly. 
General Lee was advised of the rapidity of McClellan' s movement, 
which seemed to have as its object to cut him off from Jackson. 

McClellan, by the knowledge he possessed, should have been 
master of the situation, and would have been had he put the energy 
into his movements which Lee or Jackson would have shown. 

McLaws left. Frederick on September 10, and reached the foot of 
Maryland heights on the night of the 12th. Barkdale's Brigade 
moved forward the following morning, engaged the enemy and 
forced him back gradually. The ground was very rough, and in 
many places precipitous. Great boulders here and there had to be 
flanked, and the passage of other obstructions, like gulches and ir- 
regular formations, made the progress necessarily slow, with the 
enemy in front. From tee top of the heights the enemy maintained 
a continuous fire from twenty or more cannon. The shot and shell, 
striking the boulders, would shatter the surface, throwing fragments 
of rock everywhere. The small particles would fall about us like 
hail. Many witty and amusing interchanges passed between the 
Mississippians as the rock rained down above them. 

It was necessary to drive the enemy from Maryland heights, and 
Barksdale's Brigade pushed forward over the rocks, under fire 
every inch of the way for two days and nights, without food or 
water. The mountain was very steep and rocky, but the advance was 
made with much spirit, the light footed Mississippi boys leaping and 
springing up the slopes and ledges with the nimbleness of squirrels. 
The enemy's artillery, although handled with animation, did little 
hurt or damage, but their riflemen, fighting from behind rocks and 
trees, opposed a strenuous resistance. The Mississippians, however, 

258 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

although barefooted and hungry, forced them back step by step 
until the crest was reached. 

The guns belonging to the Richmond Howitzers, and attached to 
the brigade, were pushed up when possible, but when the forma- 
tions would not permit, the wheels were removed and each piece 
lifted or pulled by long ropes to the desired position, when the 
guns would be again mounted. It was an arduous task, but there 
was no faint-heartedness among the men. 

The regimental and company officers displayed the greatest cour- 
age and energy in conducting the movement up the rough moun- 
tains, but whether storming Maryland heights or charging the 
enemy's strong lines on numerous bloody fields, the soldiers of 
Barkdale's Brigade were an inspiration. Active and heroic as the 
officers were, they seldom had an opportunity to lead. The men 
as a rule were planters, or sons of wealthy planters, whose teaching 
and traditions led them to noble and heroic deeds and desperate 
ones if need be. 

Finally, when we reached the summit, the enemy formed along 
the high bluff for a final struggle. The 19th and 21st Regiments, 
in the center, as if by a common impulse, raised a yell and dashed 
forward. The 17th on the right, the 13th on the left, opened fire 
and joined in the charge. The enemy broke in disorder and ran 
down the narrow defiles leading to the river. The Confederates 
crowded around the precipice and fired plunging shots into the 
troops in town. The enemy tumbled their cannon over the bluff and 
into the river, leaving nothing behind but camp fires and scraps oi 
bread, meat and a few onions, which the Mississippians scramble( 
over, and hurried here and there in search of more. 

Maryland heights is the key to Harper's Ferry, and it may not 
be amiss to describe, even in a casual way, the picturesque little 

A mountain known as ' ' Elk Ridge ' ' runs north and south through 
Virginia and Maryland, but is cut in twain by the Potomac river. 
Maryland heights form the steep bank on the north and Loudoun 
heights on the south side of the river. Between Harper's Ferry 
and Loudoun heights the Shenandoah empties into the Potomac, 
and behind them lie Bolivar heights, which, though less pretentious 
than the other two, slope off gradually and smoothly, forming a 
beautiful valley. Harper's Ferry rests in the beautiful valley, or, 
more properly, the basin formed by the three heights and looking 
down on the town from either, gives the appearance of a Lilliputian 

Griffith-Bar ksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 259 

settlement. The distance between the crest of the heights is about 
two miles, and from either a plunging fire can be sent into the town. 
Therefore, when the Mississippians opened on the place from Mary- 
land heights, Walker from Loudoun and Jackson in the rear, the 
enemy quickly asked for terms. 

In the meantime McClellan was pushing his heavy columns to the 
relief of the garrison. McLaws hurried Cobb's and Barksdale's 
Brigades back to " Crampton's pass," some six miles distant, to hold 
him in check. Arriving in front of the pass, we formed line across 
the valley and awaited events. The Federal infantry was in plain 
view on the side of the mountains, their guns stacked in line of 
battle, and Barksdale's men were there to meet them. Signal 
guns were fired by the enemy to give information to the garrison 
that they were approaching, but Jackson was not the man to parley 
in such an exigency. General White surrendered the entire force of 
11,000 men, seventy-three pieces of artillery, 20,000 stands of small 
arms and a large quantity of military stores early in the day of 
September 15. The news was communicated by signal flag, and 
General Barksdale galloped along the front of the brigade and an- 
nounced to each regiment: "Harper's Ferry has surrendered." 
It is unnecessary to state that the Mississippians yelled. That was 
a part of their daily exercise which never failed to give the enemy 
the shivers. 

Barksdale returned to Harper's Ferry, and the enemy's cavalry 
made a show of dogging the rear, but a volley from the 18th Regi- 
ment, which acted as rear guard, sent them scurrying back. 

We reached the river and spent the night along its bank on the 
Maryland side. The following morning we crossed on a pontoon 
bridge. The other brigades crossed the previous day. The garri- 
son was paroled and allowed to return to their homes. We stood 
in the streets of the town all day, and about 10 o'clock received 
small rations of beef, no salt or bread, and if there is one thing more 
unpalatable than all others, it is fresh beef without salt. After noon 
we received three hardtacks to the man, which was a poor return 
for the desperate work of the last three days. 

We left Harper's Ferry about 4 P. M., marching in the direction 
of Winchester. Ignorant of the conditions which confronted the 
army at Sharpsburg (conditions due to the misfortune of General 
Lee's campaign order having fallen into the enemy's hands), and 
believing that we had earned a rest, and were, therefore, headed for 
the beautiful Valley of Virginia, the men were in fine spirits and 

260 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

joked each other about numerous incidents of the campaign. They 
moved along at a lively gait, and when night came on, sang planta- 
tion songs, such as "Rock the Cradle, Julie," " Sallie, Get Your 
Hoecake Done," " We're Gwying Down the Newbury Road " and 
others. The brigade was strung out for a mile or more along the 
road, and the woods echoed with their melodies. The troops had 
passed through a trying campaign, comprising many hotly contested 
battles, and marched several hundred miles with very scant rations. 
The scenes they passed through the last two months, left memories 
which can never be forgotten; not a man in the division but had lost 
a dear friend, or maybe a relative, whose bodies lay in long trenches 
and without shrouds. Ordinarily, this would be a solemn and 
mournful retrospection, but those were not ordinary times, nor ordi- 
nary men. The times were eventful, and the men were heroes who 
realized that there was no sentiment in war, and that they must 
meet the trials and bear the sufferings incident to hostilities between 
two great armies with cheerful spirits. As memory takes us back 
to those scenes, we are amazed at their fortitude and endurance. 

On they marched, singing at the top of their voices, thinking of 
the " ashcakes " and "apple butter " we had heard about around 
Winchester, Strasburg and other places in the Valley, when sud- 
denly we arrived at a fork in the road and the column filed to the 
right. As each regiment changed direction the noise of singing 
and jesting would cease. The men realized the war was not over, 
and that we would again cross the Potomac river. Within half an 
hour not a sound could be heard, except the tramp of the column 
and the din of the moving artillery. All the humor and bright an- 
ticipations of an hour ago were gone. The men were silent. Very 
soon the pace was quickened, and orders were given, over and over, 
"Close up;" "close up." The step grew faster and faster, and 
mounted officers rode along the column with words of encourage- 
ment, calling on the "boys" to "close up." The gait continued 
to increase, until finally all were going in a trot, and hundreds could 
not keep it up, but fell down exhausted by the roadside, where they 
remained until morning. 

About daylight we reached Shepherdstown and crossed the river 
to the Maryland side, but only a small proportion of those who 
began the march from Harper's Ferry were with us. The march 
was one of the most trying and fatiguing undertaken during the 
war. The writer was a member of Company C, 18th Mississippi, 
and remembers that of the fifty-eight men and officers who began 

Griffith- Barhsdale-Hamphrey Mississippi Brigade. 261 

the march, only sixteen men and one lieutenant went into the battle 
at Sharpsburg. Other companies, of course, suffered similar dimi- 

The river at Shepherdstown is over half a mile wide and very 
shoal. A gallant little Irishman belonging to Company C, 18th 
regiment, Tom Brennan by name, never played out, therefore was 
one of the seventeen men who crossed the river. Tom was small 
in stature, but brave as Forrest. In wading across he held his gun, 
shoes and cartridge box on his head, to prevent them from getting 
wet, and when within about twenty yards of the shore he halloed 
out: " Boys, I am over, dry shod ;" but as he made the announce- 
ment he stepped into a deep hole and went under, head and ears, 
gun and all. When he arose, as if finishing the remark, he said: 
" When I get on some dry Yankee shoes." 

We soon arrived at Sharpsburg. The battle was raging. We 
halted in the roadway of the little town for a moment's rest, but it 
was a very short time. General Kershaw, who was in command 
of the division, came galloping back to hurry us forward. He had 
preceded our arrival to ascertain what he was expected to do. We 
double-quicked about a mile and halted in the edge of a beautiful 
wood. Owing to so many men having fallen out, Barksdale's Bri- 
gade was not over 800 strong, which was about the avergage for 
the other brigades also. 

General Barksdale rode in front of the line and addressed the 
men in stirring words. He said: " The enemy is driving back our 
center. We must check them. Stonewall Jackson and General 
Lee expect you to do so. I have promised that you will, and I 
want every man to do three men's duty. If there is a man before 
me who cannot, let him step out. I will excuse him." Not a man 
moved. It was a trying ordeal, but the endurance that stood the 
men so well on the march from Harper's Ferry upheld them now. 
Shells were flying about us, chipping limbs and often striking the 
ground and ricocheting, throwing up heaps of earth. 

General Barksdale then said: "Leave everything, except guns 
and cartridge boxes, under that tree." There were not over 100 
blankets in the brigade. 

About thdt moment, General D. H. Hill galloped to a point about 
fifty yards in advance of us and halted. Quickly adjusting his field 
glasses, he let go his bridle reins and watched the Federal line. 
Soon he was joined by his adjutant-general, Major Ratchford. 
They had not occupied the position exceeding a minute when a 

262 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

shell or shot struck the general's horse in the breast and passed en- 
tirely through the animal. The horse fell without a quiver. Dis- 
engaging his feet from the stirrups, the general stepped a few paces 
away without removing the glasses from his eyes and without, the 
slightest emotion. That was characteristic of D. H. Hill. Noth- 
ing could disturb his poise. 

"Left face; forward march," rang out in clear tones along our 
line. We moved across a plowed field for a mile or more, at double- 
quick. The South Carolina Brigade was in front, followed by 
Cobb's Georgia, Barksdale's Mississippi, and Paul J. Semmes' 
Georgia Brigades in the rear. We saw the South Carolinians front 
into line by the Dunker church and lie down. Cobb formed on 
their left, Barksdale on his left, and Semmes to the left of Barks- 
dale. As the division advanced to position we passed General Lee. 
He was riding a little black horse, and halted near a battery which 
was actively engaged. The Mississippians yelled, and General 
Lee, reining his horse about, watched us go by. The shells were 
as thick as blackberries, but he seem to give them no heed. 

As we passed along, a spotted cow passed through the ranks 
She ran with all her might, her tail high in the air. A shell struck 
the earth in front of her and, exploding, threw up a volcano of dirt, 
making a hole into which she plunged, but scrambled out and con- 
tinued her race. Kit Gilmer, of Company C, 18th Mississippi, hal- 
looed out: " Boys, she is a Confederate. She's going south." 

The Mississippians lay behind a rail fence for about five minutes. 
We could distinctly see the enemy advancing and our line giving 
away. The fence was thrown down, two panels together, and dur- 
ing the short time we lay there it was almost shot to splinters. We 
heard cheering on our right, which came from the South Carolina 
Brigade and Cobb's Georgians. They were charging the enemy's 
victorious limes. General Kershaw galloped along where Barks 
dale's men lay and said: " Press forward, Mississippians." General 
Barksdale had dismounted, but, moving quickly forward, led the 
charge. In the meantime the overpowered troops in our front, who 
had been desperately engaged for two hours and were out of am 
munition, passed to the rear. 

The Mississippians rushed at the enemy with yells and bayonet 
and almost charged into their ranks before they gave away. W 
were now in large timber, and at the crest of the ridge the enemy 
had thrown together some logs, behind which they halted for 
death struggle. The woods were raked by grape and cannister, a, 

Griffith-Barksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 263 

well as rifle balls, but there was no hesitation. Barksdale's men 
went over the logs and shot the enemy as they ran down the slope. 
At the same time the Georgians and South Carolinians had hurled 
back the enemy in their front; McClellan's line fell back, and the 
day was saved. McLaws' Division had met General Lee's expecta- 
tions. But for their timely arrival the situation would have been 

The battle of Sharpsburg was fought Sept. 17, 1862, although 
there was heavy skirmishing during the 16th. The Federal army 
numbered little more than too, 000 men, while General Lee was un- 
able to bring to bear quite 40,000. General Lee stated in his report: 
" The arduous service in which the troops had been engaged, their 
great privations of rest and food, and long marches without shoes 
over mountain roads, had greatly reduced our ranks before the ac- 
tion began. These causes compelled thousands of brave men to 
absent themselves, and many more had done so from unworthy 

D. H. Hill said: "Had all our stragglers been up, McClellan's 
army would have been completely crushed or annihilated." 

As it was, McClellan's army was so completely shattered he did 
not resume the action on the 18th. Sharpsburg was one of the se- 
verest battles of the war. The Confederate loss in killed and 
wounded numbered 10,000, while the Federal loss exceeded 15,000. 
General Lee recrossed the Potomac during the night of the 1 8th and 
the following day McClellan sent Porter's Corps of 15,000 men 
across the river, but they were driven back with great loss by A. P. 

The Army of Northern Virginia camped in the beautiful valley 
of the Shenandoah, in the vicinity of Winchester, for two weeks, 
during which time McClellan was removed and Major-General A. 
G. Burnside assigned to the command of the Army of the Potomac. 
This was the end of McClellan's career. 

The precentage of loss in Barksdale's Brigade at Sharpsburg was 
about seventy in killed and wounded, and some companies suffered 
even greater loss. For example, Company C, 18th Regiment, en- 
tered the combat with seventeen men, including a lieutenant, and of 
this number five escaped— Sam Finley, William McKee, Pleasant 
Smith, James Burns and the writer. Every field officer in the bri- 
gade was wounded or killed. Major James Campbell commanded 
the 1 8th Regiment, and fell just before reaching the crest of the 
ridge, but recovered from his wounds and was killed at Gettysburg. 

264 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Our wounded were placed in a barn, about a mile from the battle- 
field. Straw was strewn on the floor, where they lay awaiting such 
attention as the surgeons could give. Among the wounded from 
Company C was Kit Gilmer, from Madison county, whose leg was 
broken by a minie ball. Kit was attended by his servant, Ike. 
When we passed the barn on the march to recross the river, several 
men ran in to say "good-by." There were no possible means of 
taking the wounded along. Kit Gilmer resolved to accompany the 
command, even with a broken leg, and said to Ike, " I expect you 
to take me across the river." That evening, as soon as the dark- 
ness permitted, Ike quietly led a horse from the farmer's stable, 
and taking his young master in his arms, placed him on his back. 
Ike mounted behind, and to our great astonishment and delight 
when we reached Winchester, we found them awaiting us. A strange 
sequel is that Ike went back with the horse and remained with the 
Federal army until the battle of Fredericksburg, when he returned 
to serve the remainder of the war with " Mars Kit," and is now 
living in Madison county, Miss. 

Gallant Kit, after numerous subsequent wounds, survived the war 
and died about fifteen years ago at his old home. 

Soon after camping near Winchester the weather turned very 
cool. The men had few blankets, and to add to the hardships and 
horrors of the situation, small pox broke out. Great numbers of 
the men had either small pox or varioloid, but they never thought 
much of the danger, and few, if any, who remained in camps died 
from the effects. 

After the Maryland campaign the Army of Northern Virginia 
camped in the valley, near Winchester. 

McClellan again took possession of Harper's Ferry, and, cross- 
ing his main army on pontoon bridges at a point some five or six 
miles below, began to move south about the ist of November, 
along the east side of the Blue Ridge mountains. 

He made several threatening movements on the different passes, 
evidently with the expectation of compelling General Lee to re- 
main in the valley, and doubtless thought by doing so he would be 
able to cross the Rappahannock before General Lee was aware of 
his purpose. 

McClellan marched directly to Warrenton with the bulk of his 
army, but after arriving there discovered that a strong Confederate 
force awaited him at Culpeper. General Lee managed this move- 
ment with so much success that McClellan was evidently bewildered. 

Griffiths arks dale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 265 

He knew the force was at Culpeper, and he also learned that a large 
body yet remained on the west side of the Blue Ridge. 

McClellan's army at that time is set down at 131,000 effective 
men, and, believing he was strong enough to interpose between 
the several divisions of the Army of Northern Virginia — one at 
Culpeper, the other at Winchester and Strasburg — he began a hur- 
ried march to do so, but very soon after turning his column north- 
westward, he was removed from command of the army and Major- 
General A. E. Burnside appointed in his stead. 

It is very unusual for a new commander to carry out the plans of 
his predecessor. Indeed, we do not know of such a precedent. 

Burnside, therefore, returned to Warrenton with the whole army, 
where he remained about ten days, during which time he was busily 
engaged in maturing plans for his first campaign and endeavoring 
to get his reins well in hand. 

Thus matters rested until about the 13th of November, 1862. 

The Army of Northern Virginia f except Longstreet's corps, at 
Culpeper), camped on the west side of the Blue Ridge, along the 
beautiful Valley, while on the east, or opposite side, camped the 
Army of the Potomac. 

Barksdale's Mississippi Brigade camped near the historic little 
city of Winchester, where numbers of the men had varioloid or 
smallpox. The negro servants with the brigade, of whom there 
were a number, suffered severely, and in numerous cases never re- 
covered from the effects. We had no tents, of course, and very 
few blankets, but wood was plentiful and big log fires supplied the 

About the 1st of November it began to sleet and snow, during 
which time it was not unusual to see men broken out with smallpox 
walking about, visiting friends or other messes. 

The rations furnished were entirely inadequate to satisfy our ap- 
peties. Therefore, the men roamed about the country in search of 
food. The people were hospitable and liberal and seemed glad to 
share what they had with us. Among the good things we found 
was what the Virginians call "apple butter," made by cooking the 
apples into a marmalade, then boiling it in cider, a delicious dish 
even now. The appetite of a soldier who had passed through an 
arduous campaign of four weeks, over mountains and rivers, with 
scant rations, and in many cases without shoes, engaged almost 
daily in combat, has no parallel in peace. 

266 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

It would, therefore, be impossible to convey the pleasure we 
found at Winchester. 

During the period the army was in Maryland and Pennsylvania 
there were no depredations of any kind. General Lee issued orders 
that no private property should be disturbed, and not an apple must 
be plucked. Frequently, on the march, we passed orchards loaded 
with apples, but, so far as my belief and observation goes, nothing 
was molested; and yet the men never had a good square meal at 
any time during the two weeks the army was in the enemy's coun- 
try. The condition of the soldiers, therefore, can be well under- 

About the 7th of November we moved to the vicinity of Strasburg 
and camped along the side of the mountain in a beautiful wood. 
Barksdale's Brigade halted and stacked guns. The men were soon 
industriously employed collecting wood, and every mess had a pile. 
Unexpectedly, and in less than half an hour after we halted, orders 
were given to " fall in." We moved about a mile further on, leav- 
ing our wood to fall into the hands of some other brigade. The 
boys were in an ugly humor over their bad luck, but finally halting 
in one of the prettiest spots in the Shenandoah Valley, we found 
on every side cords of dry wood. The Mississippians were happy, 
and ran here and there claiming cords and exchanging congratula- 
tions for the move. 

Suddenly, and before we had settled in camp, we heard cheering 
ahead. It grew louder and nearer. It sounded as if the whole 
army was charging. Men wondered what it meant. Officers 
walked to and fro with anxious faces, and all awaited with uncer- 
tainty, and some anxiety, to learn the cause. The yelling became 
more and more distinct, but we heard no firing. What could it 
mean ? 

Finally we saw, about half a mile distant, beyond the valley of a 
little stream, on a plateau or table land, hundreds of men running 
and scurrying back and forth, their hats raised above their heads, 
waving and gesticulating, apparently in the wildest state of excite- 
ment. Barksdale's men were anxious to join in the melee, what- 
ever it was, but the officers, for prudential reasons, held them to 
their places. 

The 13th Mississippi was ahead, or further south, followed suc- 
cessively by the 17th, 21st, and 18th regiments. Very soon we saw 
the boys of the 13th running back and forth, throwing rocks and 
sticks and yelling madly, but we could not yet divine the cause. 

Griffith-Barksdcde-Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 267 

Quickly the 17th and 21st boys went crazy, running helter-skelter, 
falling over rocks and tumbling over each other. Soon the vision 
flashed on the 18th regiment. It was a red fox, running for his life; 
but headed off at every turn, he jumped from place to place, dodg- 
ing his pursuers. 

A. P. Hill's Division, four miles away, while going into camp, 
aroused the fox and the chase began. He passed through the ranks 
of 30,000 soldiers successfully, but when he reached the 18th Mis- 
sissippi his tail was dragging. He was suffering, doubtless, from 
the blows of numerous missiles, his tongue was hanging out and he 
was the picture of defeat and despair. He was killed by a member 
of Company G, called the " Haymar Rifles," from Yazoo county. 
Colonel Haymar, for whom the company was named, was at the 
time visiting the regiment. He was presented with the skin, which 
he took back to Mississippi and had it made into a cap, and after- 
wards wore it on a second visit to the company the following spring. 
In all likelihood, it was the most exciting fox chase in the annals of 
such sports. 

About the 13th of November we received orders to march, and 
hurried with all speed towards Rapidan station. Burnside had 
moved from Warrenton, destined for Richmond. Then began a 
race between the two great armies which ended at Fredericksburg. 
McLaws' Division, composed of Kershaw's South Carolina, 
Semmes' Georgia, Cobb's. Georgia and Barksdale's Mississippi Bri- 
gades, was under Jackson at that time. It was not a question if 
could we reach Fredericksburg ahead of Burnside. We were 
obliged to do so. The weather was very severe. Before reaching 
Rapidan we crossed two rivers, the North Anna and South Anna, 
which formed a junction about a mile below where we crossed. Ar- 
riving at the North Anna, the men removed their shoes and stripped 
off their trousers. We were told that the south fork was but a 
short distance ahead, therefore all decided to carry shoes and pants 
under their arms until they had forded the South Anna. 

The 1 8th Regiment was leading. 

Soon after crossing the first river, the road wound around a hill; 
through a skirt of woods we entered a cut in the hill and the road 
changed directions to the right, when suddenly the head of the 
column came running back, the men in fits of laughter, but seeking 
places to hide. 

The colonel and his staff were left without followers. They rode 
back also, their faces wreathed in smiles. 

268 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Those of us who had not emerged from the cut had no idea what 
the cause was, but soon the word was passed along: " Put on your 
breeches, quick." Between the two rivers there is an elevated plat- 
eau, about fifteen acres in extent, which rises some ten feet above 
the surrounding surface. 

It was almost square. On the plateau stood a little village, the 
most picturesque place the writer remembers ever to have seen. 
Around the bluff of the little village there was a plank fence, along 
which the entire population stood, waiting to see Jackson's foot 
cavalry pass. Therefore, when the head of the column came in 
view of the people, the boys fled in disorder. 

We finally arrived at Rapidan and crossed the river. I think it 
was the 15th of November. After reaching the south bank the 
brigade halted in a scrubby woods, and stood on the roadside while 
a brigade of cavalry passed. The Mississippians indulged in every 
species of exasperating criticisms, and declared there were no Yan- 
kees ahead, otherwise the cavalry would not be marching to the 

The men were in a laughing mood, notwithstanding sleet was fall- 
ing and the ground was covered with snow. 

After the troopers had gone, we resumed the march. While 
watching the ca-valry pass our clothing was freezing. It may seem 
strange how men endured the cold, but they did. The march was 
kept up almost constantly until we reached Fredericksburg, where 
Barksdale's Brigade went into camp along the edge of a woods, but 
were not allowed to build fires. It was a desperate night. The 
ground was covered with snow to a depth of several inches and the 
trees with sleet. Very few men had blankets, and the boys hud- 
dled together in piles to prevent freezing. 

A few days after reaching Fredericksburg, Barksdale's Brigade 
moved into the city and picketed the river from a little place called 
Falmouth to a point below, where Deep Run creek empties into the 
Rappahannock. The Federal army was camped on the opposite 

It has been said that " Military history is the repository of inspi- 
rations and of genius, and also of excessive follies." It may also 
be said, therefore, that it would be difficult for a commander to 
commit a blunder which cannot be matched by precedent. 

What General Burnside expected to accomplish by taking up po- 
sition opposite Fredericksburg we do not know, but certainly he 
did not anticipate such a result as followed. It may be that he ex- 

Griffith-Bar ksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 269 

pected to cross the river before the arrival of the Confederates, and 
doubtless could have done so under cover of his 200 cannon when 
he first reached the scene, because the river was low and fordable, 
but from prudential reasons, or otherwise, he did not attempt it. 

About December 8th the river rose, and he decided to bridge it. 
During the delay, our forces were actively engaged building earth- 
works and rifle pits, which crowned the heights and surrounding 
country by the 10th of the month. Burnside, however, made strong 
demonstrations above and below the city, which necessarily called to 
each point a part of General Lee's force. Burnside evidently ex- 
pected to surprise General Lee at Fredericksburg and defeat us 
before A. P. Hill and Jackson could return, but the obstructions in 
his pathway were sufficient to delay his passage until they were 

Fredericksburg is not a strategic point. On both sides of the 
Rappahannock there are hills which run parallel with the river. 
On the south side there is a valley from 600 to 1,500 yards wide 
before the hills are reached, while in the north shore the ridges are 
near the river. Stafford heights on the north side command the 
city, and also the river, for two miles in each direction It will, 
therefore, be understood that the Confederates could not prevent 
the crossing of Burnside' s army, but what they could do and did 
do, after he had crossed, constitutes a bright page in the world's his- 
tory. As before stated, Barksdale's Brigade occupied the city and 
built rifle pits along the front. Lieutenant-Colonel John C. Fiser, 
of the 17th Mississippi, with his own regiment, four companies of the 
1 8th and three or four from the 21st Regiment, occupied the imme- 
diate river front as a picket line, where he also dug rifle pits. It 
was the evident purpose of General Burnside to make his main at- 
tack on the city. Major-General Lafayatte McLaws, with his divi- 
sion, was assigned to that important position, and Barksdale was 
given the post of honor for the division. 

During the night of December 10th, the enemy began to lay his 
pontoons. We could distinctly hear the noise of launching the 
boats and laying down the planks. The work was prosecuted With 
wonderful skill and energy, and by 3 o'clock A. M. of the nth we 
could hear them talking in undertones. General Barksdale directed 
us to remain quiet, and offer no resistance until the bridge ap- 
proached our shore. About 4 o'clock a battery posted on the ridge 
back of the town fired a few shots at the bridge, then the Mississip- 
pians poured a concentrated fire on it. The bridge was doubtless 

270 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

crowded with engineers and workmen who suffered severely. The 
pickets immediately along- the river, under the gallant Fiser, from 
their rifle pits maintained such a destructive fire that the enemy was 
compelled to abandon the work. Very soon, however, they re- 
turned and made repeated efforts to complete one bridge, but the 
fire of the Mississippi boys was too deadly, and the enemy was 
forced to withdraw. 

When daylight dawned a heavy fog hung over the scene, and the 
vision was as much obscured as it had been during the night. About 
10 o'clock of the nth, Burnside, annoyed because a few skirmishers 
were able to prevent the completion of his bridges, and, therefore, 
delay his passage of the river, ordered his chief of artillery to bat- 
ter down the city. His purpose was to drive the Mississippians from 
their rifle pits and hiding places. 

Assuredly General Burnside knew the wide destruction which 
would follow his order. Several thousand women and children sat 
in their homes-, exposed to that storm of iron. Looking back upon 
the event of nearly forty years ago, it seems that the necessities did 
not not warrant the destruction of that city, and we now regard it 
as a savage act, unworthy of civilized war. But Burnside concen- 
trated 200 cannon on the city. Suddenly, as it was unexpected, 
the flash of these guns, followed by the explosions, hurled at the 
same instant 10,000 pounds of iron into the city. The shells ex- 
ploded in and over the town, creating the greatest consternation 
among the people. The bombardment was kept up for nearly two 
hours, and no tongue or pen can describe the dreadful scene. Hun- 
dreds of tons of iron were hurled against the place, and nothing in 
war can exceed the horror of that time. The deafening roar of 
cannon and bursting shells, falling walls and chimneys, brick and 
timbers flying through the air, houses set on fire, the smoke adding 
to the already heavy fog, the bursting of flames through the house- 
tops, made a scene which has no parallel in history. It was ap- 
palling and indescribable, a condition which would paralyze the 
the stoutest heart, and one from which not a man in Barksdale's 
Brigade had the slightest hope of passing through. 

During that hail of iron and brick, I believe we can say that there 
was not a square yard in the city which was not struck by a missile 
of some kind. Under cover of his bombardment, Burnside under- 
took to renew his efforts to complete the bridges, but the matchless 
men of Barksdale's Brigade, acting under the immortal Lieutenant- 
Colonel Fiser, concealed in their pits along the river bank, poured 

Griffith-Barksdale-Hum.'phrey Mississippi Brigade. 571 

a volley first and then a concentrated fire On the workmen and drove 
back all who survived their deadly aim. During this time the 
flames were blazing from every quarter, and ladies and children 
were forced to flee from their cellars to escape death by fire, even 
at the risk of being- stricken down by shells and bricks. 

The horror of the occasion was heightened by the veil of fog, 
which obscured all objects fifty yards distant. About half an hour 
after the bombardment had ceased, the fog cleared away, leaving a 
picture which riveted every eye and sickened every heart. Man- 
sions that for years had been the scenes of a boundless hospitality 
and domestic comfort, lay in ruins and smouldering ashes. Black- 
ened walls and wrecked gardens were all that were left of numerous 
happy homes. The memory of those scenes will be hard to efface. 

Defeated at every turn, the Federal commander abandoned his 
bridges for the time and began to cross in boats. He directed a 
destructive rifle fire against the Mississippians along the river bank, 
and also against those in the city. Colonel Fiser continued to dis- 
pute this passage, and many of the boats were forced to return to 
remove their dead and get others to take their places. 

After a large force had been landed above and below, Colonel 
Fiser was ordered to rejoin the brigade in the city. The enemy 
soon formed line and dashed at the Mississippians, determined to 
drive them from their rifle pits and other places of shelter. They 
moved forward in splendid style, and perfect military order. Soon 
the advance was followed by a second and third line. It was a mag- 
nificent sight, which won the admiration of the Mississippians. 
There w r as no nervousness nor hesitation. They may have thought 
that all the troops in the city were killed, but, matters not, they were 
a fine body of men. 

Barksdale's Brigade watched them from their hiding places and 
awaited their near approach. Suddenly, when within about seventy- 
five yards of our line, as if by common impulse, a volley rang out 
from the rifle pits on the cold air, which sounded almost like one 
gun, and hundreds fell dead in their tracks. The front line of the 
enemy, paralyzed and dismayed by the shock, fell back in confusion. 
In the meantime, the Mississippians were firing on them as they ran. 
It was a dreadful slaughter, which might have been considered a 
retaliation for the dreadful bombardment of two hours before. 
Quickly the second line advanced, firing as they came, and was met 
by a deadly aim from the Confederates. The column halted in front 

272 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of Barksdale's men, when the third line rushed to their support 
and charged headlong into the city. 

Whole companies of Barksdale's men were concealed in cellars, 
where they remained even after the enemy had passed, and emerg- 
ing, fired into the rear of the Federal line from behind corners of 
houses and stone walls. The Mississippians began to retire slowly, 
fighting as they retreated. It was a grand sight, which was wit- 
nessed by both armies. Hundreds of brave officers and men fell 
ere they could reach the city. 

General McLaws ordered Barksdale to fall back to our main line 
on the crest of the hills, which he did soon after dark. The fight- 
ing lasted until about that time. The brigade occupied a cut in the 
side of the hill until 10 o'clock the following day, December 12th. 
During the night of the nth the enemy crossed over two divisions, 
and other troops crossed during the 12th. Barksdale had been en- 
gaged continuously for forty-eight hours, and was ordered back for 
rest and food. We went into camp in a woods behind Marye's 
heights, where we remained until the morning of the 13th. Gen- 
eral Thomas R. R. Cobb, with his brigade of Georgians, took posi- 
tion in the sunken road, at the foot of Marye's hill, in front of the 

When the Mississippians, who had thus far stood the brunt of the 
attack, marched over the ridge to rest, carrying their guns at a right 
shoulder, cheer after cheer rang out from along the line. Little 
hope was entertained that any of them would escape that dreadful 
bombardment, and when they held their ground after the bombard- 
ment had ceased, driving back line after line of the enemy, the 
other troops were struck with amazement and wonder, and felt a 
pride in their comrades which they could not conceal. 

When daylight dawned on the 12th, the city and valley were 
again veiled in fog. It was so dense no object could be distin- 
guished fifty yards distant, and this condition lasted until nearly 
midday. During the afternoon a heavy skirmishing was kept up, 
but nothing of a serious nature occurred. 

Saturday, May 13th, the earth was again enveloped by a fog, 
which did not clear away before 10 o'clock. The whole country 
was covered with sleet and snow, and the men stood to the places 
without fires, and with very scant clothing. 

McLaws' Division was posted from the foot of Marye's hill, where 
Cobb occupied the cut, extending towards the south, with Kershaw 
on his right, and Barksdale on the right of Kershaw, while Paul J. 

Griffith-Bar ksdale- Humphrey Mississippi Brigade. 273 

Semmes was held in reserve. The Washington Artillery was posted 
on Marye's hill, just in the rear of Cobb, and behind Kershaw and 
Barksdale were two batteries of the Richmond Howitzers and the 
Rockbridge Battery of rifled guns. 

Soon after the fog had cleared away Federal officers rode boldly 
out and examined the ground between the two armies. They rode 
within a hundred yards of our line, but were not fired on. No one 
seemed disposed to kill such bold, brave fellows. 

Not long after they had retired, a strong line moved towards the 
right of Barksdale' s Brigade, seemingly bent on turning our flank, 
but were surprised and driven back by the fire of the batteries just 
behind us. 

Line after line of infantry stood along the valley, and we could 
distinctly see immense columns of troops on the opposite side of 
the river waiting to cross on the bridges. We were in a woods, our 
rifle pits concealed by underbrush, which also obscured our artillery 
above us. 

About ii o'clock the enemy moved forward, and halted about 
ioo yards from the cut where Cobb was concealed. The line was 
dressed, and every man stood in his place. It was a formidable 
column, out for a desperate encounter. 

Everything in readiness, they advanced about thirty yards when 
the artillery back of us opened, throwing grape and shell into their 
ranks. The Georgians, resting their guns on the bluff, fired a volley 
which almost destroyed the alignment. The enemy fell back, leav- 
ing their dead and wounded. The color bearers threw down their 
flags, and numbers of the men dropped their guns and fell out- 
stretched on the ground. 

Quickly another line advanced and met the same disaster. A 
third and fourth line rushed forward, and were driven back with 
equal slaughter. Charge followed charge until night relieved the 
scene. The enemy acted with great gallantry, and rushed into our 
works to meet defeat and death, but others took their places and 
suffered likewise. There was no occasion during the war when the 
Federal troops displayed, such determination and behaved with 
greater credit. 

During that dreadful engagement General Cobb was seriously 
wounded, and died soon afterwards. General Cobb was a distin- 
guished man in peace, and could have won even greater fame in 
war had he lived. 

274 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Soon after he was wounded, General McLaws observed the enemy 
massing a final effort, and ordered General Kershaw to move his 
brigade into the cut also. Hardly had he done so when the enemy 
rushed at our line; then it was that hundreds of them fell almost in 
front of the cut, and numbers fought their way to our lines, to be 
driven back in defeat. 

When the last charge was made the dead and wounded were 
lying so thick in our front that the enemy stumbled over them in 
their despeiation. 

The enemy retired to the river and remained along the bank until 
the 15th, then recrossed, leaving 15,000 dead and wounded behind. 
The Confederate loss did not exceed 5,000. 

Looking back on the scenes of Fredericksburg, and remember- 
ing the conduct of General Barksdale and his men, we are forced 
to believe that the defense of the city was one of the greatest 
achievements of the war, and the behavior of the men unsurpassed 
by any troops in any field. 

Their courage and endurance challenges comparison with any 
soldiers in history. No one who did not participate in the defense 
of Fredericksburg can form an idea of the terrible scenes of destruc- 
tion and horror, and if hell be more dreadful than that bombard- 
ment men had better halt and consider. 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 275 

[Fiom the Raleigh, N. C, News and Observer, May 11, 1901.] 


The Events in North Carolina During the Administration 
of Governor J. W. Ellis. 

RALEIGH, N. C, MAY 10, 1901. 

The Annual Meeting and Roll Call of Wake County Veterans. New 
Members Enrolled. 

[Major Daves was a thorough patriot and a broadly accomplished 
and most lovable man. He was our valued friend and correspond- 
ent for years. His death was a distinct loss to historical inquiry, 
and was widely lamented. — Ed.] 

Despite the inclement weather, Memorial day was generally ob- 
served. Many who wore the gray came together in a sort of reunion, 
women decked the graves of the Confederate dead with flowers and 
orators recounted great deeds of daring or told again the principal 
events of the War Between the States. 

In Raleigh the day was almost a holiday > many of the stores were 
closed during the afternoon, and even those that remained open did 
but little business. The banks and most of the State offices were 

As usual, the oration was delivered at Metropolitan Hall. Major 
Graham Daves was the orator. His subject was, " The Causes that 
led up to the War Between the States, and the Events of the First 
Year of the War. " 

Major Daves is, of all men in North Carolina, the one best fitted 
to speak on this subject. He was the private secretary of Governor 
Ellis — North Carolina's first war governor — and had access to all 
the State's official records and correspondence. Later he was the 
adjutant of the 22d North Carolina Regiment under General Petti- 
grew. In addition to this, he is a man of letters and great historical 

His speech of yesterday was in every way worthy of the man and 
his opportunities, and will constitute a page of correct history. 

After an opening hymn by a select choir and an invocation by 
Rev. George F. Smith, Major Daves was gracefully introduced to 
his audience by Captain Samuel A. Ashe, chief marshal for the day. 

276 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Major Daves read his speech from manuscript, but did it so well 
and spoke so distinctly that he held the closest attention of his au- 
dience throughout. The subject was one of interest to old and 
young alike and was treated in a most scholarly and at the same 
time interesting manner. The hearer always felt as if he were listen- 
ing to a man speaking of his actual experience, or of things of which 
he had accurate personal knowledge. 

On the rostrum with the speaker were the Governor and all the 
State officers, some of the Supreme Court judges and a number of 
prominent Confederate veterans. Clustered about the stage were 
Confederate flags, bullet-torn battle-flags, red and white bunting, 
cut flowers and potted plants. Pictures of Lee and Jackson hung 
on either side. 

Though the hall was pretty well filled with people, the crowd was 
much smaller than it would have been but for the steady drizzle of 
rain, which every one who came had to brave. On account of the 
rain the programme in regard to a procession to the cemetery was 
not carried out, though many went out in carriages and decorated the 
graves with flowers. 

All visiting veterans were served with lunch during the day by 
the Ladies' Memorial Association. The dinner was spread in Rescue 

At noon an annual mass meeting of all the veterans was held and 
the roll of veterans in the county called. There were about seventy- 
five veterans present. Commander A. B. Stronach, of the L. O'B. 
Branch Camp, called the meeting to order and presided, while Ad- 
jutant J. C. Birdsong called the roll. Commander Stronach stated 
that this was not a meeting of the L. O'B. Branch Camp, but a 
mass meeting of all the Confederate soldiers of the county. About 
260 names were called, and at the conclusion seventeen men came 
forward and had their names recorded, giving the company and 
regiment in which they served, as follows: 

R. H. Stone, Company D, 47th North Carolina. 

Bryant Martin, Company D, 47th North Carolina. 

Henry Perry, Company I, 1st North Carolina. 

C. M. O'Neal, Company D, 30th North Carolina. 

B. F. Gill, Company D, 26th North Carolina. 

H. H. Marshburn, Company H, 31st North Carolina. 

Wm. Montford, Company D, 67th North Carolina. 

J. C. Blake, Company I, 47th North Carolina. 

J. R. O'Neal, Company K, 12th Alabama. 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 277 

E. A. Lee, Company C, 31st North Carolina. 
W. H. Utley, Company C, 31st North Carolina. 
W. C. Rhodes, Company C, 31st North Carolina. 
Jesse Seagraves, Company G, 7th North Carolina. 
A. J. Dement, Company B, 3d North Carolina Cavalry. 
A. B. King, Company H, 47th North Carolina. 
W. C. Johnson, Company C, 5th North Carolina. 
T. N. Richardson, Company C, 52d North Carolina. 

At 3 o'clock the veterans met again to attend the memorial ser- 
vices in a body. 


Ladies of the Memorial Association, Comrades of the Confederate 
Army, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

It is with peculiar pleasure, and a kind appreciation of the honor 
done me, that I have accepted the invitation of the Memorial As- 
sociation to address you on this historic anniversary — an anniver- 
sary so endeared to us of the South, filled as it is, with sad associa- 
tions, and proud memories of noble men, brave deeds and costly 
sacrifices. It was in Raleigh that I entered the Confederate army,, 
at the outset of the War Between the States, as Adjutant of the 
22d North Carolina Regiment under the peerless Pettigrew. In 
this city my family found refuge and welcome after the occupation 
of Newburn by the Federal forces, and here I returned after the sad 
end near Hillsboro when Johnston surrendered to Sherman. My 
life as a soldier is associated with Raleigh, and it is most grateful to 
speak to her people — among whom I number many friends and 
some contemporaries — of those far off, stirring days of great events 
in 1861-1865. 

On the Feast of All Saints' Day, which according to the Chris- 
tian calendar, occurs on the first of November, a beautiful custom is 
observed in Europe and in parts of this country. The day is kept 
as a holiday, and many persons, laying aside their cares of life, re- 
pair to the burial place of their dead and decorate their graves 
with flowers. The day seems appropriately chosen. 

In our annual gatherings at the South to offer loving tributes to 
to the memory of our Confederate dead, our custom is much akin 
to that described, finding its expression also most appropriately in 
floral offerings. 

But on All Saints' Day the offerings are made by relatives of each 

278 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of the departed, members of the family circle; with us it is the un- 
divided tribute of a whole people to all soldier dead. Here, too, 
the day is fitly chosen. Thirty-eight years ago to-day General 
Thomas J. Jackson, but a few days after his splendid achievement 
at Chancellorsville, in which he met his death wound, passed to his 
final reward. How many North Carolina boys were with him there, 
and many from him "in death were not divided." Stonewall ! the 
incarnation of the Confederate cause, of what was noblest in it, and 
knightliest and best — meet is it that the anniversary of his death 
should be set apart as the day for all to assemble to commemorate 
the cause he upheld so ably, and to do honor to the heroes who 
survive their great leader, as well as to those who with him have 
passed " over the river and rest under the shade of the trees." 

Perpetuate, O, my fellow-countrymen ! this beautiful custom — 
just tribute to devoted men and noble deeds. It keeps in fond 
memory a glorious epoch in our history — glorious though it passed 
away in blood and tears. Preserve it for the sake of the women of 
the South, who instituted it in the face of difficulties, discourage- 
ments and disappointments that only zeal like theirs could over- 
come. Make yearly pilgrimages, and take care that those who come 
after us are taught thoroughly the cause and meaning of these cer- 
emonies, that they may hand down to generations yet unborn the 
true story of the men and era we now commemorate. Foster and 
sustain your Memorial Association. Second all efforts to care for 
the few who survive the great tragedy, and to adorn the hallowed 
spots where rest our dead, and so shall our soldiers be held in grate- 
ful memory in all time to come, and their deaths will not have been 
in vain. No! not in vain. " Brave blood is never shed wholly in 
vain, but sends a voice echoing down the ages through all time." 
The familiar proverb, " republics are always ungrateful," must have 
no application here in Dixie. 

The subject of my address to you to-day will, at the request of 
the Memorial Association, be "A Sketch of the Events Immediately 
Preceding and Following the Ordinances of Secession by the State 
of North Carolina," and as an appropriate beginning, I will first 
mention what is known as the John Brown raid at Harper's Ferry, 
Virginia, which occurred in October, 1859. This was an attempt 
of a narrow-minded fanatic to arm slaves and stir up servile insur- 
rection throughout the South. He was accompanied by a few fol- 
lowers, two only of whom were negroes, but was countenanced and 
abetted by a large influence in the Northern States and was aided 

Address of Major Graham. Daves. 279 

with money and supplies. Several citizens were killed in this das- 
tardly outrage, as were also members of Brown's party. No negroes 
of the neighborhood came to his assistance, and it is a pitiable com- 
mentary that the first person killed by his men was a negro, an 
employe of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Brown was promptly 
captured and brought to trial with several of his followers, all of 
whom were convicted and executed at Charlestown, Va. Promi- 
nent and principally instrumental in his capture was Lieutenant- 
Colonel Robert E. Lee, in command of a body of United States 
marines, who was assisted by Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart. 

The connection with this event of these officers, afterwards so 
distinguished in the war between the States, is worthy of note. This 
action of a deluded fanatic, who paid the penalty of an infamous 
crime by a justly merited death, was the logical outcome of the 
teachings of the abolition party. It startled the whole country, and 
for the South had the gravest significance. Its real meaning was 
more fully demonstrated and emphasized at the time, and after, of 
Brown's execution. There was tolling of bells, minute guns were 
fired in many parts of the North. In church-services held in mem- 
ory of him, Brown was portrayed as a martyr, was compared to 
our Redeemer on Calvary, and that not by ignorant enthusiasts but 
by men as prominent as Ralph Waldo Emerson, who said "the 
new saint will make the gallows glorious like the cross." It was 
alarming, inconceivable that a miscreant whose previous career of 
crime in Kansas was well known, who was guilty of insurrection, 
rapine and murder, should, in consequence of his just punishment, 
be apotheosized and entitled " St. John the Just." It is difficult to 
realize the extent of the blind fanaticism that seemed to possess peo- 
ple otherwise sane. It aroused the deepest feeling throughout the 
South, and caused anxious thought to the most hopeful and conser- 
vative. It was, in truth, a dreadful thought, and one that gave 
every one pause, that so many of our fellow-countrymen could ap- 
prove and applaud such a man and his act, the effect of which might 
well have been the murder of men, women and children at the 
South, and the devastation of this fair land. 


In November, i860, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the 
United States by a sectional vote and upon strictly sectional issues. 
The platform of his party, upon which Mr. Lincoln stood, asserted 
that "the normal condition of all the territory of the United States 


Southern Historical Society Papers. 

is that of freedom." It further declared that no legislative body 
could " give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United 
States." This claim ignored, or rather set at defiance, the Dred 
Scott decision of the Supreme Court, and indeed the personal lib- 
erty bills of many of the Northern States had already nullified that 
decision and the laws of which it was the interpretation. 

The vote by which Mr. Lincoln was elected was a large minority 
of the popular vote — nearly one million — yet he had a considerable 
majority in the electoral college. In the Southern States he had no 
electoral ticket at all; and there, too, was food for grave thought. 
If, adhering to the mere forms of the Constitution, a man could be 
elected to the Presidency by a vote strictly sectional and upon one 
issue, avowedly sectional, why not upon any other, however regard- 
less of the rights and interests of another section ? Mr. Lincoln 
had three competitors for the office of President, and it has often 
been claimed that his opponents could have defeated him by com- 
bining upon a single candidate. This is a great error, and therein 
is the defect of the electoral system, and it was a threat to the 
Southern States. The Electoral College at that time consisted of 
303 members, making 152 votes necessary to a choice. Mr. Lin- 
coln received 180 votes in all, though in a minority of nearly a mil- 
lion in the popular vote. But in fifteen of the Northern and Western 
States, having 167 votes in the Electoral College, he had also clear 
majorities of the popular vote over the combined votes of the three 
opposing candidates; so in any case he would have had a majority 
of fifteen in the Electoral College even if there had been but one 
competitor. Examination of the official figures will prove the cor- 
rectness of this statement. 

[This statement having been called in question, Major Daves, in 
the Raleigh, N. C, Post of May 24, 1901, offered the following in 
proof of its correctness]: 

q Lincoln s majority 
° 1Aliib - over all Competitors. 

Electoral Vote. 




Illinois, ..... 



Indiana, .... 



Iowa, .... 



Maine, .... 



Massachusetts, . 



Michigan, .... 



Minnesota, .... 



Address of Major Graham, Daves. 


New Hampshire, 
New York, 

Rhode Island, 
Vermont, . 

Fifteen States. 















Necessary to choice, 





If it be claimed that if the three opposing candidates had with- 
drawn in favor of a single one to oppose Mr. Lincoln, many persons 
who supported the latter would have voted for such an one, Honor- 
able Stephen A. Douglas, himself one of the candidates, gives the 
answer. In reply to such a proposition from Honorable Jefferson 
Davis, Mr. Douglas said that "if he were withdrawn, his friends, 
mainly Northern Democrats, would join in the support of Mr. Lin- 
coln rather than for any one that should supplant him (Douglas)." 
As a matter of fact, a fusion ticket in opposition to Mr. Lincoln was 
warmly supported in the State of New York, but it was beaten by 
more than 50,000 majority. 

Seven of the Southern States considered this election of a Presi- 
dent by a sectional vote upon a sectional issue, a menace to their 
liberties and interests necessitating a change in their general govern- 
ment ? They therefore by convention of the people, and by popu- 
lar vote, withdrew from the Union of the States, as the only legal 
and peaceable remedy for sectional differences. Without attempt- 
ing to argue the question it would seem that these States had suffi- 
cient warrant and precedent for their acts in the following words of 
the Declaration of Independence itself: "It is the right of the peo- 
ple to alter, or to abolish, and to institute a new government, laying 
its foundation in such principles, and organizing its powers in such 
form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and 

Such a new government these States organized and established at 
Montgomery, Ala., in February, 1861. 

The States of North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee and Arkansas 
were not parties to this movement. It was deemed best to wait 

282 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

further action by the people of the Northern States, or for an "overt 
act," as it was termed. In February, 1861, an act of the General 
Assembly of North Carolina submitted to the vote of our people the 
question of calling a convention of the people which was to take 
into consideration the question of the secession of the States from 
the Union. The interest in this matter and the excitement through- 
out the State were very great. There were able and active advo- 
cates both in favor of, and in opposition to, secession, and the re- 
sult of the election was the defeat of the call for a convention by 
the small majority of 194 votes. A vote with a similar result, and 
by a much larger majority, was also had in Tennessee. 

For some reason it has been believed, and often stated, by many 
of our people that the majority of the State against the call of a 
convention was very large, some say "overwhelming." Like many 
other popular beliefs, and much of so-called history, it has no 
foundation in fact. The above are the official figures, as may be 
seen by referring to the published vote of the State, and the proc- 
lamation of Governor Ellis announcing the same. 


At the time of the withdrawal of South Carolina from the Union, 
Forts Moultrie in Charleston harbor and Pickens near Pensacola, 
Florida, were garrisoned and held by Federal troops. 

South Carolina, being no longer in the Union, sent commissioners 
to Washington to treat for the peaceable possession of the forts at 
Charleston, promising "that there should be no attack upon the 
forts pending negotiations." The United States government did 
not consent to surrender the forts, but agreed that " the military 
status of the forts should not be disturbed." In spite of this Major 
Anderson, in command at Moultrie, on the night of December 26th, 
i860, spiked the guns at the fort, burned their carriages and trans- 
ferred the garrison, with equipment and stores, to Fort Sumter. 
This was plainly a violation of faith and agreement, and the State 
at once seized and occupied all forts, arsenals and other public 
buildings within its borders. Other States quickly followed this 
example and forts in Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and elsewhere 
were seized and garrisoned by the State government to prevent 
their occupation by the United States government. 

On the 1st of January, 1861, a committee from Wilmington 
waited on Governor Ellis at Raleigh and urged occupation of Fort 
Caswell at the mouth of the Cape Fear river. For this there was 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 283 

no authority, North Carolina being still in the Union, and the re- 
quest was, of course, refused; but on January 9th the fort was en- 
tered and occupied by a body of men, without organization, from 
Wilmington and Smithville (now Southport). They were promptly 
ordered out by the Governor, and the fort was restored to the Fed- 
eral authorities. This is mentioned to show the excitement and 
intensity of feeling at the time. 

The government refused to evacuate Fort Sumter— although 
there was a promise that it should be done, and works in Charleston 
harbor commanding it were erected or extended, to prevent its re- 
lief or reinforcement. General Scott advised its evacuation "asa 
military necessity," and Wm. H. Seward, Mr. Lincoln's Secretary 
of State, assured Judge John A. Campbell, of the Supreme Court, 
that " Fort Sumter will be evacuated in the next five days," and in 
reply to a note from Judge Campbell reminding him of this fact 
Seward replied briefly: "Faith as to Sumter fully kept; wait and 
see," and this though he knew that a large fleet with supplies and 
strong reinforcements for Sumter had already sailed. 

It is a matter of interest, and worthy of memory, that the right 
of secession and the duty of the United States Government to with- 
draw its forces from the seceded territory were admitted by very 
distinguished Abolitionist authority. By no less a person than 
Wendell Phillips of Massachusetts, the great and able Abolitionist, 
the "silver tongued orator," the distinguished scholar, the bold, 
uncompromising foe of the South and of her institutions. In a 
speech delivered at New Bedford, Mass., on April 9th, 1861, just 
four days before the reduction of Fort Sumter by the Confederates, 
he said: " Here are a series of States girding the Gulf, who think 
their peculiar institutions require that they should have a separate 
government. They have a right to decide that question without 
appealing to you or me. A large body of the people sufficient to 
make a nation, have come to the conclusion that they will have a 
government of a certain form. Who denies them the right ? Stand- 
ing with the principles of 1776 behind us, who can deny them the 
right ? What is the matter of a few millions of dollars or a few 
forts ? It is a mere drop in the bucket of the great national ques- 
tion. It is theirs just as much as ours. I maintain on the principles 
of 1776 that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier in Fort 
Sumter." These are the words of Wendell Phillips. Can language 
be more plainer or more forcible in support of the belief and action 
of the people who united in establishing the Confederate States ? 

284 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

So as to the right of secession, the New York Tribune of Novem- 
ber 9th, i860, said: " If the Cotton States shall decide that they 
can do better out of the Union than they can in it, we insist upon 
letting them go on in peace. The right to secede may be a revolu- 
tionary one, but exists nevertheless. Whenever a considerable 
section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall 
resist all coercive measures designed to keep it in. We hope never 
to live in a republic whereof one section is pinned to the residue by 

The fleet, mentioned above, for the relief of Fort Sumter sailed 
about the 6th of April. When "his was known a demand for the 
surrender of the fort was made by General Beauregard by direction 
of the Confederate authorities at Montgomery. This having been 
refused fire was opened on the fort on the morning of April 12th, 
and kept up until the 13th, when it capitulated without loss to either 

It has been reiterated ad nauseam, and much stress laid upon the 
fact, that the Confederates fired the first gun, implying that they 
therefore were the aggressors in the war. 

Very little thought will show the absurdity of this inference. Ac- 
cording to Constitutional History (Hallam): "The aggressor in a 
war (that is, he who begins it), is not he who first uses force, but he 
who first renders force necessary." 

If a man finds a trespasser or a burglar on his premises who re- 
fuses to leave when ordered off, he is hardly expected to wait to be 
attacked before proceeding to enforce his rights. The Federals 
persisted in holding and occupying a Confederate territory in de- 
fiance of all remonstrances and entreaties, and there was nothing 
left but to repel force by force. Let it ever be remembered that 
throughout the war from beginning to end, the people of the Con- 
federate States were merely defending themselves and resisting in- 
vasion, a wicked and cruel invasion — unjust and without warrant. 

The fall of Sumter produced the fiercest excitement throughout 
the North. Reason was thrown to the winds and it was determined, 
in the ridiculous jargon of those and later days, to subdue the re- 
bellion, as it was called, at any cost. 

On the 15th of April, 1861, the following telegram was received 
at Raleigh from the War Department at Washington: 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 285 

" Gov. John W. Ellis: 

Call made on you by to-night's mail for two regiments of mili- 
tary for immediate service. 

" Simon Cameron, 
' ' Secretary of War. ' ' 

So North Carolina was to be required to make war upon her sister 
Southern States. But they reckoned without their host. Instantly 
the reply went back, bold, spirited, patriotic: 

" Simon Cameron, Secretary of War: 

" Your dispatch is received, and if genuine, which its extraor- 
dinary character leads me to doubt, I have to say in reply that I 
regard the levy of troops made by the Administration, for the pur- 
pose of subjugating the States of the South, as in violation of the 
Constitution, and as a gross usurpation of power. I can be no 
party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to 
this war upon the liberties of a free people. You can get no troops 
from North Carolina. I will reply more in detail when I receive 
your call. 

"John W. Ellis, 
" Governor of North Carolina." 

A terrible crisis was upon the country, but there was no hesita- 
tion. As one man the whole State responded to a proclamation of 
the Governor calling for troops for defense, and for supplies of all 
kinds. Military companies were formed everywhere, and a camp 
of instruction, Camp Ellis, was established at Raleigh, where they 
were organizod and drilled. 

There was no longer any division among the people, no doubt 
whatever as to their intent. Whatever may have been deemed ad- 
visable as to secession previously, there was but one mind now as 
to coercion, and especially as to the requirement that North Caro- 
lina should be a party to it, against which we protested with our 
utmost energy and resisted with our utmost ability. Let that be 
borne in mind. With us it was not so much an assertion of the 
right of secession, though that we did not deny, as an emphatic de- 
nial of the right of coercion. 

On the 17th of April Governor Ellis issued his proclamation sum- 
moning the legislature to meet on the 1st of May in extra session. 
In this proclamation, as in his reply to Cameron, and in his subse- 
quent message to the legislature, he dwells especially and earnestly 

286 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

uwon the illegality, the unconstitutionality, of the acts of the United 
States authorities. He says: 

" I am informed that Abraham Lincoln has made a call for 75,000 
men to be employed in the invasion of the peaceful homes of the 
South, and for the violent subversion of the liberties of a free peo- 
ple, constituting a large part of the population of the late United 
States: And whereas, this high-handed act of tyrannical outrage is 
not only in violation of all constitutional law, in utter disregard of 
every sentiment of humanity pnd Christian civilization, and con- 
ceived in a spirit of aggression unparalleled by any act of recorded 
history, but it is a direct step toward the subjugation of the whole 
South, and the conversion of a free Republic, inherited from our 
fathers, into a military depotism, to be established on the ruins of 
our Constitution of Equal Rights. Now therefore," &c. 

And he adds: "And I furthermore exhort all good citizens 
throughout the State to be mindful that their first allegiance is due 
to the sovereignty that protects their homes and dearest interests, 
as their first services are due for the sacred defense of their hearts, 
and of the soil which holds the graves of our glorious dead." 

Whether the Governor over-estimated the effects at the South of 
the success of the Federal armies, let those who lived through the 
dark years of Reconstruction answer. 

There was no authority granted the President in the Constitution 
to levy war against a Sovereign State. The war power is vested 
in Congress, and even that is forbidden to be exercised against a 
State. Such power was sought to be established in the convention 
that framed the Constitution of the United States and was refused 
emphatically. There was no warrant for the call upon North Caro- 
lina. In his message to the legislature, the Governor says: 

"The right now asserted by the constituted authorities to use 
military force for the purpose of coercing a State to remain in the 
Union against its will, finds no warrant in the Constitution, and still 
less in the principles on which our Republican institutions are based. ' ' 
Alluding to the Act of Congress of 1795, he says further: "The 
coveted powers which Congress had refused to confer were usurped, 
and whilst commissioners from the Confederate States were at the 
seat of Government urging a peaceful settlement of all questions in 
dispute, and striving to avert from the country the calamities of 
war — whilst the people were being deluded by daily protestations 
from the President of his firm resolve to preserve the peace, and 
we were in momentary expectation of hearing that Fort Sumter at 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 287 

Charleston had been evacuated, a secret expedition was fitted out 
and steathily dispatched to commence the war by an attempt to 
throw reinforcements into that fortification. To high criminality in 
involving the country was added base perfidy in exciting hopes and 
expectations to be dashed at the moment of fruition." 

In the meantime Forts Macon at Beaufort, and Caswell and John- 
ston near Wilmington were taken possession of and garrisoned (by 
the Governor's order) by State troops; defences were erected at 
New Inlet, Ocracoke, Hatteras and elsewhere on the coast, and an 
inpromptu navy — a mosquito fleet as it was called — for the defense 
of the sounds was organized. The United States Arsenal at Fayette- 
ville, in which were stored large quantities of small arms — most of 
them of antiquated patterns — a battery of light artillery and other 
munitions of war, was seized, its contents appropriated to arming 
and equipping the troops and its garrison sent North. 

The legislature, having met promptly, passed an act, with scarcely 
any opposition, calling a convention of the people to consider the 
question of secession. The convention met in Raleigh on the 20th 
of May, 1861, the anniversary of the Mecklenburg Declaration of 
Independence, and on the same day passed by unanimous vote the 
following ordinance: 

"We, the people of the State of North Carolina, in convention 
assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and 
ordained, that the ordinance adopted by the State of North Carolina 
in the convention of 1789, whereby the Constitution of the United 
States was ratified and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts 
of the General Assembly, ratifying and adopting amendments to 
the said constitution are hereby repealed, rescinded and abrogated. 

" We do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsist- 
ing between the State of North Carolina and the other States under 
the title of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved, and 
the State of North Carolina is in the full possession and exercise of 
all those rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free 
and independent State." 

There was no dissenting voice, and the next day the ordinance 
was formally signed by every member of the convention — 120 in 

This convention of the people — the highest authority, the origin 
and foundation of all law and authority known to a republican form 
of government — was elected especially to determine upon the ques- 

288 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

tion of secession. It resolved upon it unanimously, and it was not 
therefore necessary to submit it to a vote of the people. To that 
ordinance every North Carolinian was bound to conform. 

It is profitable to note how strictly in accordance with law and 
precedent, and in what orderly manner, those grave proceedings 
were conducted — and it may not be amiss to draw a parallel. 

On the 1 2th of April, 1776, North Carolina, through her repre- 
sentatives then assembled at Halifax, first of all the thirteen colo- 
nies, authorized her delegates to the Continental Congress to unite 
in any measure looking to a separation of the colonies from the 
mother country and to the establishment of independence, thus, as 
it were, assuming and ratifying the declaration and resolves of Meck- 
lenburg, made in May of the year previous. Elbridge Gerry, of 
Massachusetts, in that Congress — afterwards Governor and Vice- 
President — as may be seen in his letter in the American Archives — 
did not call that action treasonable, but approved it warmly, and 
wrote his people urging like action on their part. So in May, 1861, 
North Carolina in convention assembled at Raleigh, by solemn or- 
dinance, without one opposing vote, revoked the ordinance of 1789, 
withdrew from the association of States and by the same authority 
that had conferred, in like manner recalled all powers theretofore 
delegated to the United States. In both instances the step was 
taken through the lawful authorities duly constituted, after mature 
consideration, calmly, without outbreak or violence. In both cases 
the act was one of sovereignty, having been an assumption of power 
by the colony, whereas it was a resumption merely on the part of 
the State of powers previously delegated. Now is it not monstrous 
to call that treason and rebellion in a sovereign State which in a 
mere colony is termed patriotism and maintenance of right? Such 
epithets, as so often flippantly applied, are not only untrue but they 
are absurd. A whole nation, acting through all its people, cannot 
be guilty of treason. To indict a people for conspiracy and rebel- 
lion is as impossible as the crime itself. 

On the day of the passage of the Ordinance of Secession the 
convention passed an ordinance ratifying and assenting to the con- 
stitution of the provisional government of the Confederate States, 
and later other ordinances ceding to that government certain prop- 
erty and privileges, and vesting in it certain necessary rights and 
powers. North Carolina thus became one of the Confederate States 
and cast her lot with them for weal or woe, prepared and ready to 
abide the result. Afterwards the permanent Constitution of the 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 289 

Confederate States was adopted and ratified, and on June 18th two 
senators and eight representatives were elected by the convention 
to the Confederate Congress, which, after its adjournment at Mont- 
gomery in May, was to meet in Richmond on the 20th of July, 
where its sessions were held thereafter. 

The permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, which 
" he who runs may read," is itself a full and plain refutation of the 
ridiculous statements often made that its object was the overthrow 
of the principles of the Constitution of the United States. The 
permanent Constitution was the Constitution of the United States, 
with such necessary amendments as the difference of situation made 
necessary. Some of these amendments were significant, especially 
that forbidding the foreign slave trade, which was not forbidden in 
the Constitution of the United States; on the contrary, it was there 
expressly allowed (Article I, section 9) until 1808, after which its 
prohibition by that instrument was only permissive. The Consti- 
tution of the United States was the wisdom of our own ancestors. 
With it, properly construed and administered, we had no quarrel, 
and our only thought was to live under its provisions apart from 
those with whom it seemed we could not rest in peace, and against 
whose perversions we could not rest in peace, and against whose 
perversions of its powers we protested with all our energy. We 
never dreamed of overthrowing or destroying the old government 
or of molesting any State that elected to remain with it. We as 
fully acknowledged the right to remain, if so it seemed good, as we 
also claimed the right to withdraw. 

On the 10th of June, 1861, less than a month after the passage of 
the Ordinance of Secession, was fought and won the battle of Great 
Bethel in Virginia, won principally by North Carolina troops under 
Colonel D. H. Hill. And here another parallel with revolutionary 
days may be of interest. 

In that olden time of the first revolution our people were called 
upon to defend their homes, and to repel invasion; and with Rich- 
ard Caswell, with Ashe and Lillingtor., they won the fight at Moore's 
Creek Bridge on the 20th of February, 1776, the first victory in 
pitched battle won in the territory of the thirteen colonies. There 
had been actions before, momentous and far reaching in their con- 
sequences, as at Bunker Hill, but it was a defeat for the Americans, 
also at Great Bridge in Virginia, which was only a repulse of the 
British Moore's Creek was a complete victory, and an utter rout 
of the enemy that checked the invasion of North Carolina, and gave 

290 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

peace to the State, within its borders, for three years. So at Bethel, 
in 1861, the first victory in pitched battle of the United Confederacy 
was won by North Carolinians. 

[Reference may be made to the Report of the History Commit- 
tee of the Grand Camp, C. V., of Virginia,' Southern Historical 
Society Papers, Vol. XXXI, p. 347.] 

A simple monument at Moore's Creek tells the story of the men 
who fought there. Our citizens celebrated with much rejoicing and 
patriotic spirit the centenary of that victory, but heaped no insults 
upon the memory of the brave men who fought on the other side. 
Only kindly admiration was expressed for gallant Scotchmen who 
died there. Nor is it expected of their descendants, our fellow citi- 
zens of to-day, as proof of present loyalty, that they shall condemn 
the action of their fathers. With General Frank Nash our kinsfolk 
went to death at Germantown, in the long ago. With Mad An- ; 
thony Wayne they went to that desperate bayonet charge at Stony 
Point; with Jethro Sumner at Eutaw Springs; with Morgan and 
Greene; with Davie, Davidson and Graham; with Hogan at Charles- 
ton — wherever duty called or danger was to be dared they were to 
be found until the end of that long struggle which enciecl success- 
fully for them. Well, the swift years flew by, and in 1861 our State, 
whose behest we were ever taught is paramount to all, again sum- 
moned her sons to repel invasion and to uphold the right of self- 
government — and it cannot be too often or too strongly emphasized 
that they fought only to resist invasion and to vindicate the right of 
self-government — and in the brave old way, as in the brave old times 
of the past, they came at her call, and with Branch and Pender and 
Pettigrew, with Daniel and Whiting and Ramseur, with Hoke and 
with Ransom, at Newbern, at Richmond, at Manassas, and at 
Sharpsburg, at Fredericksburg, at Chancellorsville, at Gettysburg 
and at Chickamauga, in the Wilderness and at Petersburg, at Forti 
Fisher, Averysboro and at Bentonville, they freely offered their 
young lives as the last evidence they could give of their earnest con- 
viction of right and duty. Of their fortitude under hardship, of 
their unflinching courage and self-sacrificing devotion you need no I 

Suffice it to say that in the same brave old way, learned from 
those who in like manner had gone forth in the first revolution, they 
met their sad fate, doing all that men could do to maintain their 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 291 

cause — unlike their ancestors in only this that they failed in their 
undertaking. And shall we not hold the men of these later days, 
our own kindred and neighbors, in loving memory too, and forever 
preserve the record of their matchless deeds ? Let the mute elo- 
quence of many memorial shafts throughout the South make an- 
swer. The women of the South in their bereavement, sorrow and 
poverty did not forget gratitude, and everywhere have placed last- 
ing mementoes of the self-oblation of all Confederate dead— grander 
than their prototypes the modest column at Moore's Creek, or the 
simple stone to Sumner at Guilford, or the humble tomb that in the 
churchyard of St. James at Wilmington marks the resting place of 
Cornelius Harnett, by as much as our strife was greater than theirs. 

" Lament them not; no love can make immortal, 
The span that we call life, 
And never heroes entered heaven's portal 
Thro' fields of grander strife." 


On the 7th of July, 1861, John W. Ellis, Governor of North 
Carolina, died at the Red Sulphur Springs in what is now West 
Virginia, of consumption of the lungs. He had been in delicate 
health for several months previously, and had gone to that resort 
but a few days before his death, hoping to obtain relief, but his 
overwhelming duties had undermined his feeble frame. He lived 
to see the victory at Bethel, in June, 1861, won principally by 
troops organized and equipped by his untiring efforts. His death 
was hastened by the arduous labors and heavy responsibilities of his 
high office, and he died as much a martyr to the cause in which his 
warmest sympathies and most earnest work were enlisted, as any 
soldier who fell on the field of battle. Peace to his ashes! He was 
succeeded in office by Hon. Henry F. Clark, of Edgecombe county, 
who, as speaker of the State Senate, as it was then constituted, be- 
came Governor ex officio for the remainder of the term. 

Time will not admit of further recitation of the events that fol- 
lowed the passage of the Ordinance of Secession. In what has 
been said I have endeavored to comply with the request of the Me- 
morial Association to narrate briefly events that happened just pre- 
viously and subsequently to that ordinance, chiefly those that 
occurred in North Carolina. But little attempt has been made to 
argue the question upon its merits, as it was believed that a simple 

292 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

narration was all that was desired. But I pray you to hear for me 
a little while still, if I attempt some slight tribute to the Confederate 
soldier, a theme so near the hearts of us all, but to which no one is 

And first, in these days of centennial memories and observance, 
it may be profitable to study the men, their motives and deeds, of 
our first revolution, and to seek to learn, by comparison, wherein, if 
at all, we in our later revolution, differed from them in act, or de- 
parted from their teaching. 

For what they believed to be good and sufficient cause, our fore- 
fathers of the Revolution resolved to sever their connection with the 
mother country, and to establish for themselves and their posterity 
a government of their own, free and independent, founded wholly 
on the consent of the governed. Right nobly did they carry out 
this resolve. Undismayed by the magnitude of their undertakings, 
they rose superior to hardships and trials, painfully overcame all 
obstacles, cheerfully faced all dangers and mastered all opposition, 
until, at last, they attained their end, and we have inherited the 
fruits of their labors. But, mark you, it has never been said, or 
thought, that those men intended, or wished, to injure or com- 
pass the destruction of the government from which they had sepa- 
rated. Such superlative nonsense was reserved for the wiseacres of 
to-day in their flippant denunciations of our acts and intentions, in 
separating ourselves from the government of the United States. It 
would be quite as correct and true to allege that our ancestors in the 
Declaration of Independence desired and intended the overthrow of 
the government of Great Britain, as that we, as is so often alleged, 
intended, or could have effected, if we could have so wished, the 
destruction of the United States government in withdrawing from 
it. In both cases it was only intended to establish a separate gov- 
ernment, leaving the old one intact and undisturbed, to be enjoyed 
by all who remained under its provisioners. Much stress has been 
aid in this connection upon the well-known expression of Mr. Lin- 
coln in his speech at Gettysburg: "A government of the people, by , 
the people, for the people," so often and so gushingly quoted — the 
inference implied being the success of the Confederate cause would 
prove the downfall of the government. Most lame and impotent 
conclusion, for nothing can be more true than that was the 
very kind of government that the Confederates so earnestly strove 
to maintain, and to establish separately, for themselves. The ex- 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 293 

pression, by the by, was not original with Mr. Lincoln, but had been 
used by speakers and writers since 1794. 

We should, as we do, render to those men of the olden time love 
and thanks. We recall their actions, cherish their memories, but 
above all it is most incumbent upon us to preserve intact their price- 
less legacy. We should ever bear in mind that this inestimable 
inheritance of selfgovernment is not wholly our own. It is not to 
be bartered away, or for any reason to be parted with. In it we 
have but a life estate, and hold it in trust for those who are to fol- 
low us, solemnly pledged to transmit it to them in no whit shorn of 
its fair proportions, but rather, if so it may be, with its blood-bought 
privileges enlarged and extended. But if the men of King's Moun- 
tain, of Eutaw, and of Yorktown, had toiled in vain, if their hero- 
ism had ended in disaster and crushing defeat, would it be right or 
necessary to villify them for the gallant struggle they made, or to 
withhold admiration for their brave efforts in behalf of what they 
believed to be their right ? I trow not! No voice is raised in their 
condemnation, no one insinuates a doubt of the purity of their in- 
tentions. Why should it have been otherwise if the issue had been 
different? Now, if beliefs and actions of Southern people in our 
own times were similar to those of our ancestors of our first revo- 
lution, will it be any more than just to draw the same conclusions, 
and to render like judgment in the one case as in the other? What 
was right and meritorious in the Continental statesman and soldier 
cannot have been wrong and blameworthy in the Confederate. 
What was honorable and patriotic in Richard Caswell and Cornelius 
Harnett, in George Washington and Francis Nash, can hardly have 
been despicable and traitorous in Jefferson Davis or John W. Ellis, 
in Robert E. Lee, Charles F. Fisher, William Pender, L. O'B. 
Branch, or in the men who followed them. 

It was sad indeed that disagreements politically between country- 
men could not be adjusted without an appeal to the sword. Their 
divisions were political only and had their origin in what was hon- 
estly held to be right by both parties, and most conducive to the 
welfare of each. They were, says an eminent writer, "the expres- 
sion of political principles concerning which parties and sections 
had long been divided, and which separated the best and wisest of 
our land long before their antagonism " culminated in warfare. 

Both parties in the late war between the States were equally hon- 
est in their belief of the right of their respective causes, and neither 

294 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

should now question the sincerity of the other. They who fought 
with Jackson, or followed the feather of Stuart, and all who sympa- 
thized with them, must abide the arbitrament to which final appeal 
was made. To quote again the same distinguished writer — they 
are bound " to accept defeat and its legitimate consequences in as 
good faith as they would have accepted victory; they are bound to 
obey the laws, to fulfill to the letter every call of patriotic obliga- 
tion." All these we have done, and will continue to do. But we 
are not bound to desecrate the memories of our dead, nor to submit 
without protest to misrepresentation. It is possible, of course, 
that we may have erred. ■ Our acts may have been injudicious. We 
have no infallible oracle to decide such points. They are fair mat- 
ters of opinion and argument upon which, in the future, history, 
impartially written, will inevitably pass judgment. With that tri- 
bunal we willingly rest our case; but we claim to stand before it 
without having the case prejudged — as a people, unfortunate if you 
please, but who, convinced of the integrity of our purposes, and 
acting according to our best lights, proved our faith by staking all 
on the issue. And to the same august judgment-seat, without fear 
as to its verdict, we appeal in behalf of him who was our President 
— whom we ourselves constituted our leader — Jefferson Davis, who 
but a short time ago went down in sorrow, still in honor, to the 
grave. The beauty and purity of his character; his steadfastness in 
discharges of duty; his lofty patriotism; the vigor of his well-rounded 
intellect; the virtue of his life; his kindly nature and the simplicity 
of his faith will yet be recognized by others as they are known to 
and honored by us. 

There is inherent in our people a sense of right, a love of fair- 
play — dormant and overshadowed at times, perhaps, but which 
some day must impel the victors in the war between the States to 
do justice to the vanquished, and when that shall be frankly done 
it will bring about mutual confidence and perfect reconciliation. 

Feelings of this kind, I venture to believe, even now animate 
many of our fellow countrymen, and, in the near future, will influ- 
ence all intelligent and generous men in all this broad land —though 
their magnanimity will have to undergo the severer test of accord- 
ing full justice to a beaten instead of a victorious foe. 

That I am not without warrant for such belief the following ex- 
tract from a Northern paper, whose editor was an officer of the 
Federal Army, will in great measure prove. He says: 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 295 

' 'As we get further and further removed from the blinding pas- 
sions that clouded our judgment, and as the soothing hand of time 
quiets our wrath, engendered by a deadly conflict, there is one name 
that rises higher and brighter, not only at home but throughout 
Europe, as that of the greatest military leader of time, and that is 
the name of Robert E. Lee. Gathering up an army from a country 
that had no other resource than the brave hearts of its doomed 
people, poorly armed and worse equipped, to march without pay, 
sleep without shelter and fight without food, through the long years 
of that terrible conflict, he rode on from victory to victory over su- 
perior numbers, marking the boundary line of his country with 
death and disaster to the enemy, until his devoted army, wasted 
through sickness and fatigue, fell from sheer exhaustion." 

A great struggle like that which ended at our Bentonville must 
some day be regarded in its true light by all men, no matter what 
their predilections for the contending parties, and not from the stand- 
point of passion and prejudice. A proper sense of self respect and 
a right estimate of the unanimous action of a whole people, must 
banish the opprobrious terms which it seems good to many to em- 
ploy when speaking of the war between the States, and of those 
who took part in it. Men -who fought to maintain the Union, with- 
out yielding in any degree their own convictions, or a natural pride 
in their success in upholding them, will in time freely accord to their 
opponents equal honesty and earnestness, and will recognize the 
absurdity of the vulgar cant about " rebels " and " treason." Each 
party to the strife should willingly allow to the other what it claims 
for itself. No sentiment is more worthy of condemnation than that 
feeling of faction, that petty spirit of party, that wilfully excludes 
from view everything that is not within the direct range of its own 
narrow vision. In spite of the boasted liberalism of this land of 
popular education, intolerance is a marked defect in our national 
character; one that it is our duty to correct, to the end that preju- 
dice may fade away and give place to that large-mindedness that 
going hand in hand with large-heartedness makes up the perfect 

Resting in the rectitude of our past, honoring our dead, and ful- 
filling every present obligation, we are content to await the coming 
of that day of justice and reconciliation. And should some unco- 
righteous brother denounce usas" rebels ' ' and brand as ' ' treason ' ' 
political belief and acts older than our government itself, we may 

296 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

point to the tombs of the Revolutionary patriots, Francis Nash and 
Joseph Warren, of Edward Buncombe and William Davidson, who 
taught us "rebellion " — and died in teaching us — and make answer: 
11 Every tree is known by his own fruit." The land that gave the 
"rebels" George Washington and Patrick Henry, Richard Cas- 
well and Jethro Sumner to lead and counsel the men whom we 
commemorate in centennial celebrations, gave also in these latter 
days Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson, Alexander Stephens 
and John C. Breckinridge, Leonidas Polk and Albert Sidney John- 
ston, worthy sons of noble sires. 

"A good tree bringeth not forth corrupt fruit, neither doth a cor- 
rupt tree bring forth good fruit." 

Behold in these men the true exponents of the South and her 
cause, the outgrowth of her civilization! Does any land show their 
superiors? By them, our exemplars, let us be judged. 

But why multiply words? Let the whole world contemn, still 
will we love and honor the voiceless dust that lies here — aye and all 
our patriot dead, it recks not where their bodies lie! Even had 
they in mistaken zeal done wrong, we would still revere their mem- 
ories for their unselfish devotion and unrepining sacrifice. 

Long years ago when the lowly Nazarene, who ' ' spake as never 
man spake," was doing his work of mercy and love among the 
hills of Palestine — Himself, the incarnation of love — it is written 
that he said: 

" Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his 
life for his friends. ' ' 

That, Ladies of the Memorial Association — that, fellow citizens 
and soldiers — that, men and women of the South, is what alike the 
men of the Revolution and they who sleep in this consecrated 
ground did for you and for me. Shall we not cherish their love? 

" Their precious lives though vainly sped — 
Long as its share old Ocean laves, 
We'll bow with reverence o'er our dead, 
And bless the turf that wraps their graves." 

Ladies of the Memorial Association 

This poor tribute to the deeds and memory of the Confederate 
dead, I have, at your honored bidding, laid upon their graves. Bear 
with me a moment longer while I add a word in behalf of the sur- 

Address of Major Graham Daves. 297 

vivors of our great conflict, our veterans — the "frail wrecks from 
that gory sea." Not in feeble language of my own — but in the 
touching lines of Frank Stanton, who makes such loving appeal for 


Here he is in wreck of gray — 

With the brazen belt of the C. S. A. 

Men, do you know him ? Far away 

Where the battle blackened the face of day, 

And the rapid rivers in crimson fled, 

And God's white roses were wrecked in red, 

His strength he gave and his blood he shed; 

Followed fearless where Stonewall led, 

Or galloped wild in the wake of Lee, 

In the daring mad artillery. 

Shelled the ranks of the enemy, 

For the South that was and the South to be; 

Or bore his musket with wounded hands, 

O'er icy rivers and burning sands, 

Levelled straight at the hostile bands, 

That swept like death through the ravaged lands, 

Men do you know him ? Grim and gray, 

He speaks to you from the far away. 

There he stands on the prison sod, 

A statue carved by the hand of God; 

He bore his rags and his wounds for ye. 

He bore the flag of the warring South 

With red-scarred hands to the cannon's mouth — 

By Heaven ! I see as I did that day 

The red wounds gleam thro' the rags of gray. 

Men of the South, your heroes stand 

Statue-like in your new born land. 

Will ye pass them by ? Will your lips condemn ? 

The wounds on their brave breasts plead for them. 

Shall the South that they gave their blood to save 

Give them only a nameless grave ? 

Nay; for the men who faced the fray 

Are her's in trust 'till the judgment day, 

And God Himself in the sweet far land 

Will ask their blood at their country's hand. 

298 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Soldier — you in the wreck of gray, 

With the brazen belt of the C. S. A.-- 

Take my love and my tears to-day, 

Take them — all that I have to give; 

But by God's grace while my heart shall live 

It still shall keep in its faithful way 

The camp-fire lit for the men in gray. 

Aye — 'till the trump sounds far away, 

And the silver bugles of Heaven play 

And the roll is called at the Judgment-day. 

Battle of Chickamauga. 299 

[From the New Orleans, La., Picayune, September 11, 19C4.] 


An Address Delivered Before the United Confederate Vet- 
erans' Convention in Baton Rouge, September, 1904. 

By Captain JAMES DINKINS, Member of the State History 

[For the masterly address on the Battle of Chickamauga, deliv- 
ered before the Association of the Army of Northern Virginia, by 
Colonel Archer Anderson, see Southern Historical Society Papers, 
Vol. IX, p. 385. -Ed.] 

I desire, in this necessarily imperfect sketch of the great battle of 
Chickamauga, to record, as far as I may be able, only the most 
important features and events, and it is not without diffidence that 
I have consented to do so. 

The present war between Russia and Japan has been compared 
to the war between the States, and the Japanese are accredited with 
possessing equal strategy with Jackson and Forrest. 

The Japanese soldiers are being spoken of as the greatest of the 
age, almost without comparison for dash and courage. 

Comparison is too vast a subject to undertake in a short report, 
but it is well to remind those of the present generation that the 
South was plunged into the midst of war without any preparation, 
and without equipment, while Japan has for years been actively em- 
ployed in organizing her battalions and mobilizing her armies. We 
have great admiration for the Japanese, and earnestly hope they 
may be successful in crushing the menace which confronts them, 
and also check the madness of that barbarous and inhuman govern- 
ment which has for years oppressed and murdered a harmless and 
peaceful people. When a recent battle was fought reports were 
sent over the world stating that 800 men were killed or wounded, 
and people held their breath while they read the headlines, and 
gasped over the awful destruction of life. 

I have selected Chickamauga as my subject, therefore, because it 
will illustrate the quality of the Confederate soldier, and will enable 
those who make comparisons to do so intelligently. 

300 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

I desire particularly to impress upon those who wish to be in- 
formed that the Confederates were greatly outnumbered, while the 
reverse is true of the Japanese. 

Chattanooga, as we all know, is in the mouth of a narrow valley, 
formed by Lookout mountain and a spur of mountains known as 
Missionary Ridge. Lookout mountain juts abruptly upon the Ten- 
nessee river, a short distance to the west of Chattanooga, and ex- 
tends southward into Georgia. 

For fifty miles or more the densely wooded hills and rocky clifTs 
are impassable for troops, except by two wagon roads, one distant 
twenty, and the other forty miles from Chattanooga. 

Missionary Ridge extends from north to south, on the eastern ex- 
tremity of the valley, and along which the eastern branch of the 
Chickamauga river runs. To the south is Pigeon mountain, some 
twenty-five miles distant from Chattanooga and about equally dis- 
tant between the two the Chickamauga river crosses the valley, and 
on this west branch of the river Lee and Gordon's mills are sit- 

It was early in July, 1863, that the Army of Tennessee, under 
command of General Braxton Bragg, was withdrawn to the south 
side of the Tennessee river, and concentrated at Chattanooga, 
where necessary changes in the organization took place. 

Forest Jhad been assigned to the command of a division of cavalry 
and ordered to East Tennessee to keep watchful observation of the 
enemy in that direction. The Federals at that time were in strong 
force at McMinnville, Franklin and Triune. 

General Rosecrans, who commanded the Federal army, had sev- 
eral times decided on a forward movement, it transpires, but the 
audacious work of Forrest kept him in doubt, and he therefore did 
not undertake to cross the Tennessee until about August 27th. 

On the last of the month two divisions of McCook's Corps and 
one of Thomas' Corps made the passage at Caperton's Ferry, and 
began to march without delay over £and mountain. 

On the 4th of September the remaining divisions of McCook and 
Thomas crossed at Bridgeport and Shell Mound. 

About this time the three Confederate corps, commanded by 
Generals Polk, D. H. Hill and Buckner, were withdrawn to the 
vicinity of Lee and Gordon's mills, on the Chickamauga. On Sep- 
tember 9th, two divisions of Thomas' Corps (Negly's and Baird's) 
made their way through Cooper's and Stevens' gaps, in Lookout 

Battle of Chickamauga. 301 

mountain, both very strong- positions, which were left open by Gen- 
eral Bragg, but without any apparent object. 

The enemy took position near Dug Gap, and as soon as they had 
done so, D. H. Hill was ordered to guard the passage in Pigeon 
mountain, while General Polk was summoned to make active opera- 
tions against the Federals in McLemore's Cove. 

Thus the two armies faced each other on September ioth, but no 
collision occurred. Hill made disposition for battle, and Cleburne's 
battle-scarred heroes deployed into line ready to spring forth with 
their habitual eclat, but before the order was given, word reached 
Hill from headquarters to suspend the movement. 

It is believed by those acquainted with the conditions that a most 
favorable opportunity was lost at this time. 

As an evidence of this, the Federals began a hurried retrogade 

As soon as General Hill reported this fact, he was ordered to ad- 
vance, which he did with great spirit, but the Federals declined 
battle, and night being at hand, under favor of darkness, fell back 
to the hills in front of Steven's Gap, and escaped that destruction 
which a skilled general like Hill, with his impetuous soldiers, could 
have wrought. 

This was one of the lost opportunities of the war. 

McCook assembled his corps near Winston's Gap, in Lookout 
mountain, some forty miles distant. Meantime Thomas began to 
move eastward to intercept General Bragg, whom Rosecrans be- 
lieved to be in full retreat. 

Previous to these events a third corps of Rosecrans' army, under 
Crittenden, had crossed the Tennessee at Bridgeport, and at the 
mouth of Battle creek, and was moving by way of Ringgold towards 

Let us consider the situation at this time. Rosecrans' army was 
widely separated. McCook could only reach Thomas by a march 
of thirty-five miles, while Crittenden was separated from both, as 
he moved down the east side of Missionary ridge. General Bragg 
had concentrated his whole force near Lafayette, and it was impos- 
sible, therefore, for McCook to reach Thomas by the road men- 
tioned. There was but one opportunity open, and that was to march 
back into Wills' Valley and northward, some fifty miles through 
most difficult mountain roads and passes. It was fortunate, indeed, 
for the Federal commander that General Bragg did not take in the 

302 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

situation; certainly it was the best opportunity afforded during the 
war to destroy an army in detail. 

On September 13th the Federal army was posted as follows: 

McCook's 20th Corps, 14,345 effectives and 54 cannon, near 
Alpine, Ga. 

Thomas' 14th Corps, 24,072 effective and 72 cannon, in front of 
Stevens' Gap, and Crittenden's Corps, 13,975 effective and 48 can- 
non, west of Lee and Gordon's Mills. Total, 52,392 infantry, 177 
guns and 8,000 cavalry, making an effective force of more than 
60,000 men, while a division of Gordon Granger's Corps was at 
Shell Mound. General Bragg' s force consisted of Polk's Corps, 
12,027 strong; D. H. Hill, 11,972; Buckner, 11,029; J 5° cannon 
and 7,500 cavalry. Total, 42,528. 

It will be noted that General Bragg made no effort to destroy 
either of the separated Federal forces. 

By the 18th of September General Rosecrans had brought to- 
gether in the Chickamauga valley, southward of Lee and Gordon's 
Mills, the bulk of his army, while General Bragg had, as before 
stated, concentrated his army about Lafayette. 

On September 19, General Bragg decided to take the offensive. 
Bushrod Johnson was ordered to take the iniative with his division 
by crossing the Chickamauga at Reed's bridge, about four or five 
miles from Lee and Gordon's Mills, and move southward against 
his enemy, while Walker, with his division, was to cross at Alexan- 
der's bridge, and support Johnson. 

Buckner's Corps crossed at Tedford's Ford, still nearer the ene- 
my's position, while Hill was to cover the left flank against any 
operation the Federals might make from that direction. 

Johnson began the movement early on Friday morning with four 
brigades, while Forrest covered his flanks and front. 

Forrest came in contact with the Federal cavalry at Keller's Mill 
and pressed them back to Reed's bridge, where there was sharp 
fighting before the infantry arrived. Two brigades (Law's and Rob- 
ertson's), commanded by General Hood, soon re-enforced Johnson. 

Buckner, as instructed, marched from Lafayette, and approaching 
Tedford's and Dalton's Fords, late in the afternoon, seized the hills 
commanding both fords, where he planted his batteries to cover the 
crossing. Polk's Corps, in the meantime (Hindman's and Cheat- 
ham's Divisions) had taken position nearly opposite Lee and Gor- 
don's Mills. 

Battle of Chickamauga. 303 

It will, therefore, be seen that on the morning of September 19, 
the bulk of the Confederate army lay east of Chickamauga. 

This was a position fraught with great jeopardy for General 
Bragg. Had Rosecrans been such a man as General Lee, or Jack- 
son or Forrest, he would have made use of it. The battle was now 
near at hand. With forces opposed, of numbers, courage and other 
qualities and aspirations, which assured that it would be one of the 
most sanguinary and obstinate of the war. 

General Bragg had effectives, located as we have shown, not to 
exceed 38,000 bayonets, 7,500 cavalry and 150 cannon. 

Rosecrans fronted Chickamauga with Crittenden's Corps, while 
Thomas with his corps occupied the Chattanooga and Lafayette 
road to the left of Crittenden, and McCook was at Crawfish Spring. 
On the morning of the 20th, Forrest was ordered to develop the 
enemy on the extreme right, and was assured of prompt support. 
Forrest moved swiftly to Jay's Saw Mill, when he encountered a 
heavy Federal column, which he boldly attacked and brushed back 
some fiv 7 e or six hundred yards, where he observed two strong lines 
in battle array, nearly due west of Reed's Bridge. 

He sent an officer to headquarters with the information, and re- 
quested that his left should be re-enforced. 

It was now about 10 o'clock A. M. The Federals threw for- 
ward a line of skirmishers, and it may be said that this was the 
overture of the battle of Chickamauga. 

The conflict became warm and was maintained with pertinacity on 
both sides. Forrest drove back the Federal line until it formed a 
junction with McCook' s Corps and Reynold's Division of Thomas' 

The battle thus far had been confined to an arena scarcely a mile 
and a half in length, the whole face of which was an undulating 
plateau covered with an oak forest and dense undergrowth. The 
Federals had thrown up earthworks, from which they now poured 
forth a hot torrent of musketry lire, as well as grape, canister and 
shell from numerous batteries. 

The attacking Confederate force thus far consisted of two small 
cavalry divisions, about 3,000 rifles and eight guns. 

In a short time Walker's Division, 5,000 strong, and sixteen 
guns, was sent to the support of Forrest, but about this time For- 
rest discovered that the enemy was overlapping his lines and he fell 
back. In the meantime events were culminating. 

304 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Cheatham's Division of Polk's Corps had been ordered from 
Dalton's Ford to re-enforce Walker. Cheatham hastened to the 
right and took position astraddle the road from Alexander's Bridge. 

Cheatham at once advanced his Tennesseans, and they were soon 
engaged with the counter movement which had pressed Walker and 
Forrest back. Thomas and Crittenden's Corps were now in this 
quarter of the field, where a fiery, fluctuating conflict raged for sev- 
eral hours. 

At one time the Federals were driven back fully three-quarters of 
a mile, when they were strongly re-enforced and rolled the Confed- 
erates back. 

Meanwhile, Cleburne's Division of Hill's Corps had been held 
eastward of the Chickamauga until nearly night, when he was or- 
dered to report to General Polk, who instructed him to form in rear 
of his right. 

It was now about 6 o'clock, but Cleburne was ordered to advance 
and attack, over the ground so lately, so frequently and so obsti- 
nately contended for, and Cheatham also moved forward in concert. 

A furious tempest of shot and shell rained upon that advancing 
host of immortals, and for half an hour the firing was as heavy as 
was ever known. Darkness came on, and the aim of each adver- 
sary was directed by the flash of his opponent's gun. 

Finally two fresh brigades were sent to the support of Cleburne 
and Cheatham, and the enemy gave way, leaving twelve pieces of 
cannon, some 600 prisoners, and four stands of colors in the Con- 
federates' hands. 

Here General Preston Smith fell — a great loss to our cause — an 
officer who had no superior in that army for shining courage, while 
none of his grade excelled him in the qualities of a commander. 

With him also fell his Adjutant-General, Captain John Donelson, 
and his Aide, Captain Thomas H. King. 

Cleburne never halted to readjust his lines until he had driven 
the Federals more than a mile, where he and Cheatham bivouacked 
upon their arms. 

There had been fighting elsewhere, also, although the main con- 
flict was as we have described. 

Preston's Division of Buckner's Corps, and Hood's two divis- 
ions, Johnson's and Law's, were drawn up in line on the crest of a 
ridge about a thousand yards east of Vinyard's house from early 
morning until about 4 P. M., when their skirmish line was drawn in. 

Battle of Chickamauga. 305 

Hood then ordered Johnson to attack, which he did with great 
energy, and pressed the Federals back to the Chattanooga road, 
and thus matters stood the night of the 20th. 

General Rosecrans, in his report of this battle, states that "the 
whole Federal army was brought squarely into action," save two 
brigades of Sheridan's Division and Mitchell's Cavalry. On the 
other hand, only about half of the Confederate forces were engaged, 
not exceeding 19,000 bayonets. Why they were not put into ac- 
tion we are unable to comprehend, because they could have been 
used to good advantage. 

Breckinridge, with 4,000 men, and Hindman, with 5,6000, also 
those of Preston's Brigade, were suffered to remain idle during the 
entire day. 

Lieutenant- General Longstreet, of the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, reached General Bragg about 11 o'clock at night, and stated 
that McLaws' Division of his corps was marching from Catooso Sta- 
tion, thus increasing Bragg's force 4,600, making a total of 50,100. 
He was advised by General Bragg of his purpose to give battle the 
following day, September 21, and that he had arranged his forces 
into two grand divisions. The command of the right was assigned 
to General Polk, and that of the left to Longstreet. 

Polk's command embraced Hill's Corps, Walker's Reserve Corps 
and Cheatham's Division of his own corps, while Forrest supported 
his right flank. 

Longstreet's wing was composed of Buckner's Corps, Hindman's 
Division of Polk's Corps, Johnson's Division, and Hood's and 
McLaws' Divisions of Longstreet's Corps. 

Notwithstanding the arrangements as told to General Longstreet, 
several officers of high rank had no information on the subject. D. 
H. Hill had been selected to begin the combat, but received no ad- 
vice to that effect until told by General Bragg, in person, the next 
morning. Buckner also was ignorant of the plan, so he states. 

As late as 8 o'clock in the morning our forces occupied the same 
position in which the close of the battle had left them the night be- 

During the night General Rosecrans assembled his corps com- 
manders at his headquarters, and, in consequence, his forces pre- 
sented a well-furnished front, behind breastworks of logs, and, in 
many places, trenches. 

The sun rose bright and clear, but a heavy mist lay low in the 
valley, concealing the two armies from each other. 

306 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

General Bragg ordered that the attack be make at daylight, but 
the failure to communicate the plans to the corps commanders led 
to a delay of three hours or more. 

The plan of battle provided that the movement begin on the right, 
and follow in succession toward the left, the purpose being to wheel 
the whole line towards the left. 

At length, between 9 and 10 o'clock, final orders were received 
to begin the battle. 

Breckinridge advanced, and, together with Helm's Brigade, be- 
came furiously engaged with a force behind strong breastworks. 
Forward dashed the Alabamians and Kentuckians, under a most 
murderous fire, enfilading as well as front, that shattered their ranks, 
but they pressed on. 

The loss was fearful, and among the fallen was the accomplished 
Brigadier-General Ben Hardin Helm. The line advanced beyond 
the Chattanooga road, and captured a battery of Napoleon guns in 

Adams' Brigade, in the meantime, had met but slight resistance, 
but also captured a battery, which was turned on the enemy. See- 
ing that the Federal line was practically turned, Breckinridge 
changed front at right angles to the Chattanooga road, facing south- 
ward, with Slocum's Louisiana Battery in his front. Advancing 
along and to eastward of the road, he developed the enemy's left 
strongly intrenched. Adams, on the right, encountered the enemy 
fronting his approach, but he broke through them by the impetu- 
osity of his attack, but found a second and stronger line, at least 
three brigades, supported by artillery, behind them. 

The next instant the Confederates were thrown back in confusion, 
leaving the gallant and intrepid Adams, severely wounded, in the 
hands of the enemy. 

The situation was serious, but Slocum threw his battery into 
favorable position and opened with grape and canister, fighting his 
guns with resolution and desperate courage. Slocum faced the 
Federal line unsupported until the brigade was rallied in his rear. 
Slocum was severely cut up, but continued to work his guns until 
the crisis was over. His battery had to be refitted before he could 

The 19th Louisianna Regiment performed valiant services, and 
lost a large number of gallant officers and men. Among the killed 
was the gallant and always to be lamented Major Loudoun Butler. 

In the meantime Wood's Brigade pushed forward upon the south- 

Battle of Chickamauga. 307 

em angle of the breastworks in its front, but, having to cross an 
open field swept by an oblique fire, was repulsed with fearful loss, 
leaving over 600 killed and wounded in ten minutes' time. 

Deshler was then thrown forward to fill the gap left by the repulse 
of Wood, and before he had fairly begun his charge, a three-inch 
shell passed through his body. 

Cleburne, finding that he was confronted by an enormous force, 
withdrew and reformed. In the meantime Helm's Brigade had 
been equally cut up, and the situation seemed critical. 

Breckinridge was being hard pressed. Hill sent Colquitt's Bri- 
gade to receive the pressure, but the noble Georgians came quickly 
under a most destructive fire from the front and flank that killed or 
wounded more than a third of the fellows, while Colquitt fell mortally 
wounded. Every field officer in the brigade was killed or wounded, 
save one. Ector's, Wilson's and Walthall's Brigades were sent to 
the support of General Polk, and encountered an overwhelming 
force, before which they had to give way with heavy loss. It will, 
therefore, be seen that after an hour's gallant fighting nothing had 
been accomplished on the right but the fearful loss of some of the 
best soldiers of any age. 

Clayton and Bates had been so cut up they also had to retire and 

Preston, in the meantime, with his division, Stewart's, Trigg's, 
Gracie's and Kelly's Brigades and Johnson's Division on his left 
with Breckinridge and Forrest on the right, moved forward like a 
mighty current, and striking the Federals, strongly intrenched 
around the Brotherton's house, swept them away, and, pressing the 
advantage, drove the enemy precipitately and headlong to flight. 
This was the first ray of light to the gallant Confederates. Pushing 
ahead, keeping his force well in hand, Johnson passed through a 
wood and entered an open field, over which the Federals were fall- 
ing back in disorder. The enemy had planted several batteries very 
favorably on the little hills which bore on the noble ranks as they 
dashed forward in pursuit. The writer heard General Stewart say 
that " the scene at this moment was the most brilliant and exciting 
he witnessed during the war." The impetuous charge, the rush, 
and yell of the columns as they swept out of the woods into the 
field, the artillery, and men on horseback, dashing onward with the 
recklessness of desperation, the dust and smoke, the bursting of 
shells, the swish of grape-shot, all combined to make a battle scene 
of unsurpassed grandeur. The wildest enthusiam now took posses- 

308 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

sion of our troops. Hindman's Division dashed forward and carried 
the enemy's works with an impetuosity never surpassed. The 
Federals were staggered on every hand, and ran in great disorder, 
leaving guns in position and thousands of dead and wounded on 
the field. General Hindman, in his report, pays the highest com- 
pliment to Manigault and his brigade, also to Deas and Anderson. 

Longstreet's wing of the army was now fully engaged, and was 
handled with skill and judgment, throwing the full force of his troops 
in concert, while the fight on the right had been made in brigades 
and divisions. 

About 12 o'clock one of Forrest's scouts reported that a column of 
infantry was advancing from the direction of Rossville. With that 
foresight and promptness which always characterized Forrest, he 
dashed away with Armstrong's Brigade to meet this new enemy. 
Granger, with 5,000 fresh troops and three batteries, was pushing 
on to relieve Thomas. Forrest, with his small force, became quickly 
engaged, and forced Granger to halt, and, although too weak to 
long stay his advance, compelled Granger to deflect some distance 
from the main direction. Thomas has been accredited with great 
stubbornness and tenacity in holding his position, but when we look 
into the facts we are compelled to find that his ability to do so was 
due more to the inaction of the Confederate troops on the right than 
to any special credit due Thomas. It is a fact that our entire right 
wing, for two hours or more, stood motionless on the field, while 
the left wing had driven the enemy from every position on that part 
of the field. General D. H. Hill states that it was half-past 3 when 
the order was given to advance. General Cleburne also made the 
same statement. It was, therefore, 4 o'clock when the line again 
advanced against Thomas, who had now strengthened his command 
until he mustered over 35,000 muskets. Finally Breckinridge, on 
the right, then Liddell, while Cleburne pressed forward in the centre, 
and Cheatham on the left, moved forward like a mighty torrent 
against the strongly posted forces of Thomas, well sheltered by 

The gallant men fought their way to Thomas' lines, but, con- 
fronted by overwhelming odds, they could not hold their advantage, 
and the right began to give way. Forrest, who had been guarding 
the extreme flank, seeing the disorder, hurried to the rescue, and, 
placing himself among the infantry, called on them to stand. His 
presence was so grand, so lofty, and so inspiring that the men rallied 
and renewed the attack. Forward, and yelling, the men rushed 

Battle of Chickamauga. 309 

headlong into Thomas' works, surmounting them at every point, 
and the Federals went pell-mell through the swamp into the woods 
and up the ravines in swarms and broken masses. It was one of 
the grandest moments in all the world's history. 

The Confederates had swept everything before them, and were 
complete masters of the field, while the Federals were routed and 
left the field covered with cannon and small arms, besides several 
thousand prisoners and sixteen thousand dead and wounded. 

The loss on the Confederate side was also very heavy — some 
twelve thousand killed and wounded. 

The battle of Chickamauga was one of the bloodiest of the war, 
or, in fact, of any war. The brilliant achievement of the Confed- 
erates should have insured a decisive operation, and it is more than 
probable that if a rapid advance had been made that night the 
Federal army would have been destroyed. Even the following day 
the Federals were huddled in Chattanooga in great disorder. For- 
rest urged an advance, and, because of the failure to take advantage 
of the great opportunity, he sent to General Bragg his resignation, 
which, however, President Davis would not accept. 

The battle of Chickamauga was waged with energy by the troops 
wherever they were sent in, and the fight was made under peculiar 
conditions, upon a theatre peculiar in its character. We, therefore, 
feel that a review of facts and events should be touched upon, but 
the paper is already too long, and, even if we undertook to discuss 
the oversights and omissions, it would be difficult to do so without 
bringing out matters it were better to leave unsaid. And yet it re- 
quires no clearer demonstration than the facts already stated to show 
that indecision as well as inaction, on that field crushed the hopes 
of our people. 

It can be truthfully said that the Confederate soldier has fixed the 
record of the world in the field of war. He has written an epic by his 
achievements whose grandeur and simplicity no genius of song can 
further brighten or ennoble. It stands on the pages of history 
matchless and imperishable, and it was the soldiers of the ranks 
who did this. 

It is no detraction from the fame of Lee, Jackson, Forrest and the 
Hills, or Gordon, and the other leaders, to say that the men who- 
followed them to battle were cast in the same heroic mold and that 
the ragged private was the instrument by which their achievements 
were made possible. 

When the last impartial monument shall be erected to the heroes 

310 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

of the South, and the last impartial epitaph shall be inscribed upon 
it, it will rob the great names of Southern history of none of their 
glory that the monument is surmounted by the marble effigy of the 
common soldier and the inscription a testimonial to his sublime 
courage and pre-eminent services to the South. 

The loyalty of his life, the firmness of his principles and the 
serenity of his bearing make him more magnificient than all the 
arguments of a century. 

[From the New Orleans, La., Picayune, July 27, 1904.] 

MERIDIAN, FEB. 3, TO MARCH 6, 1864- 


In July, 1863, the Confederacy was cut in two by the capture of 
Vicksburg and Port Hudson, including the Confederate garrison, 
composing the army of General Pemberton, which had been used 
to keep the Mississippi river closed to navigation, and to preserve 
communication between the States of the Confederacy on the east 
and west of the great river. At the close of the Vicksburg cam- 
paign, the river and its tributaries were almost in full and complete 
control of the Federal government, being protected so thoroughly 
from Cairo to New Orleans by the fleet of Admiral Porter, com- 
posed of heavy and light gunboats, that it was difficult for even an 
individual to get across. It was essentially free from annoyances, 
even of field batteries and riflemen on either bank. 

About the time of the surrender of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, 
General Joseph E. Johnston, who had succeeded in collecting a 
Confederate army of 30,000 men near Jackson, Miss, (the present 
effective force being about 28,000 men), had moved towards Vicks- 
burg to attempt its relief. He had arrived in the vicinity of Me- 
chanicsburg, when, on July 4, he heard of the surrender of the city. 
He immediately retreated to the city of Jackson, arriving there July 
7, and placed his army in the intrenchments surrounding the city 
from the river on the north to the river on the south. General 
Sherman followed with an army of about 50,000 men, arriving before 

General Stephen D. Lee. 311 

the city on the 9th of July. The two armies faced each other in the 
attitude of besieged and besieging, from the 9th to the night of the 
1 6th day of July, when General Johnston, seeing his danger, crossed 
over Pearl river and marched towards Meridian, General Sherman 
pursuing beyond Brandon, Miss. It appears that it was General 
Sherman's intention at that time to crush the Confederate army, or 
drive it out of the State of Mississippi, and destroy the railroads. 
There was then a great drought and the heat was so intense that he 
decided to postpone further pursuit, and return to Vicksburg, in- 
tending at some future time to penetrate the State and drive out 
any Confederate forces that might be found. During these opera- 
tions the Confederate army lost 600 men in killed, wounded and 
missing. The Federal army lost 1,122. The occupation of Jack- 
son by Grant's army in May, 1863, began the cruel side of the war 
in the wanton destruction of private as well as public propertv, 
which destruction was emphasized especially by General Sherman in 
all his campaigns to the close of the war. He reported July 18, 

" We have made fine progress to-day in the work of desolation; 
Jackson will no longer be a point of danger. The land is desolated 
for thirty miles around." The destruction of private property ever 
marked the progress of General Sherman's armies. Raymond, 
Jackson and Brandon had already felt the shock, and monumental 
chimneys for the most part marked their former locations. 

In the meantime General Sherman had carried most of his army 
to east Tennessee to assist General Grant in his operations against 
the Confederate army under General Bragg. He returned to Mem- 
phis January 10, 1864, and began at once to prepare an army to go 
into Mississippi from Vicksburg as far as Meridian, or Demopolis, 
Ala. His first step was to order that the Memphis and Charleston 
Railroad be abandoned. He had a large force guarding the Mis- 
sissippi river, one division at Natchez, McPherson's 17th Army 
Corps at Vicksburg, Huribut's 16th Army Corps at Memphis, 
and about 10,000 cavalry in West Tennessee, including General W. 
Sooy Smith's command from middle Tennessee (about 40,000 ef- 
fectives). With this large force and the great Mississippi gunboat 
and ironclad fleets operating with these troops, a diversion was to 
be made on Mobile Ala., by General Banks and Admiral Farragut. 
An expedition was also to ascend the Yazoo river from Snyder's 
Mill, consisting of five gunboats and five transports with several 
regiments of infantry. 

312 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

As stated, Generals Pemberton's and Gardner's Confederate forces 
had been captured, and there remained in observation of this large 
force in Mississippi two small divisons of Confederate States in- 
fantry — Loring at Canton, and French at Jackson — about 9,000 
men, with several batteries. General Stephen D. Lee, with four 
brigades of cavalry, Stark's, Adams' and Ross', composing Jack- 
son's Divison, and General S. W. Ferguson's Brigade, which had 
been drawn from northeast Mississippi, covering the country from 
opposite Yazoo City to Natchez, Miss, (over 300 miles), and num- 
bering about 3,500 effectives. General Forrest was south of the 
Tallahatchie river in northwest Mississippi, picketing towards Mem- 
phis and the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, his force number- 
ing about 3,500 men. The entire Confederate force in Mississippi 
did not exceed 16,000 men. 

This was the condition of affairs in January, 1864. The concen- 
tration of troops at Vicksburg and the marshaling of 10,000 cavalry 
in west Tennessee was duly observed and reported to General Polk,, 
commanding in Mississippi. Spies reported the force as consisting 
of an army of four divisions of infantry with the usual complement 
of artillery and a brigade of cavalry, making an army of over 26,000 
men, to move from Vicksburg early in February. Another column 
of 7,000 cavalry, under General VV. Sooy Smith, was to move from 
west Tennessee direct to Meridian to meet the army under General 
Sherman from Vicksburg near that point, and then the combined 
forces to go either to Selma or Mobile, as might be indicated. Gen- 
eral Sherman was to hold Lee's Confederate cavalry and any infantry 
in his front, and General W. Sooy Smith was to engage Forrest 
with his cavalry force, which outnumbered Forrest by double as 
many men. 

To meet the enemy, General Lee concentrated his cavalry in 
front of Vicksburg, along the Big Black river and near the Yazoo 
river. On January 28th, the Yazoo river expedition began to move. 
Federal cavalry advancing on the Yazoo City road from Snyder's 
Bluff on the Yazoo. This force was met by Ross' Texas Brigade 
and driven back. On February 3rd, Federal infantry began cross- 
ing the Big Black river at the railroad crossing and six miles above, 
at Messenger's ferry, distant from Vicksburg twelve or fifteen miles, 
and rapidly drove in the cavalry pickets on the two roads leading to 
Clinton. Early on the morning of February 4th, there was severe 
skirmishing on both roads, the enemy deploying their force in the 
open country and steadily driving back the brigades of Adams and 

General Stephen D. Lee. 313 

Stark in their front, their troops being in full view. The day's 
operations, in causing the enemy to develop their forces from actual 
observation, from prisoners, scouts and other sources, in flank and 
rear of their columns, fixed the force as consisting of two corps of 
infantry and artillery (16th and 17th;, commanded respectively by 
Generals Hurlbut and McPherson, and a brigade of cavalry under 
Colonel Winslow. The entire force was about 26,000 effectives, 
with a comparatively small wagon-train for such an army. The 
Yazoo river expedition started about the same time, and it was in- 
tended to divide and hold a part of Lee's Confederate cavalry, so 
that no concentration could be made against General W. Sooy 
Smith's column, who was ordered to start about the time General 
Sherman started from Vicksburg. The two expeditions displayed 
the two great resources General Sherman had to bring against the 
small force of Confederates in Mississippi. 

An incident near the old battlefield of Baker's creek is worthy of 
being recorded. The enemy's infantry deployed was moving for- 
ward gradually, pressing back Adams' Brigade, dismounting and 
fighting them in a swamp. While thus engaged the Federal bri- 
gade of cavalry came charging down on their rear and flank, and 
on their lead horses. The moment was critical, as Adams was al- 
most too hotly engaged • to withdraw on short notice. The two 
escort companies of General S. D. Lee and W. H. Jackson alone 
were mounted and near at hand, numbering about ninety men all 
told. Major W. H. Bridges, of Texas, was temporarily connected 
with the command, an officer for just such an emergency. He was 
ordered to lead the two companies against the Federal brigade and 
hold them in check. It was a choice command, fearlessly led, and 
it did the work assigned it, but with the loss of the noble leader and 
many of his followers. The dash saved Adams' Brigade, which 
was retired mounted, and moved over Baker's creek. At the same 
time Griffith's Arkansas regiment was thrown into the woods near 
the bridge, thus permitting the two escort companies to sweep over 
the bridge, when gradually pressed back by the superior numbers 
of the Federal cavalry following, and just as the Federal infantry 
had got through the swamp and were moving towards the bridge. 
The Federal advance was checked by artillery across Baker's creek, 
which also enabled the Arkansas regiment to get over the bridge. 

On February 5th the Confederate cavalry was gradually pressed 
back to Jackson, where it arrived about dark, passing out on the 
road towards Canton, to enable General Loring's infantry division 

314 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

to cross Pearl river from Canton, moving towards Morton, on the 
Jackson and Meridian railroad; a regiment was also sent across 
Pearl river to cover the front of the enemy, if they tried to cross 
Pearl river at Jackson. This regiment was also to destroy the pon- 
toon bridge over Pearl river. General French, with two small bri- 
gades at Jackson, and General Loring at Canton, had been advised 
to cross Pearl river, owing to the large forces of the Federal army, 
and their rapid advance. As soon as it was ascertained that General 
Sherman was crossing Pearl river at Jackson, General Loring, who 
had marched towards Pearl river from Canton, crossed and united 
his division with General French's near Morton, on the Jackson and 
Meridian Railroad. Ferguson's Brigade covered Loring 's command 
on the Clinton and Canton road. General Lee also crossed with 
two brigades of Jackson's Division (Adams' and Stark's) and with 
Ferguson's Brigade, which was sent to get in front of the enemy 
and cover the retreat of General Loring' s two divisions. Jackson, 
with Adams' and Stark's Brigades, was ordered to operate on the 
flank and rear of the enemy on his march at Brandon and Pela- 
hatchie stations. General Ross, who was operating on the Yazoo 
river, was ordered to abandon his operations there and march to join 
his division under General W. H. Jackson. 

As soon as General Polk was fully advised of the targe force under 
General Sherman, and of the cavalry column which was to move 
from the north, he decided that his force was too small to give battle. 
He had drawn a part of the Mobile garrison to Meridian as a re- 
enforcement, but considering Mobile as the most important place in 
his department, and fearing that Sherman would move towards 
Mobile instead of Meridian to meet Admiral Farragut and General 
Banks, he ordered General Lee on February 9 to move all his cav- 
ary from the rear and the north of Sherman's line of march to the 
south, to protect the Mobile and Ohio railroad, so that he could re- 
turn the troops he got from Mobile, and could also be able to re- 
enforce that point, if necessary, with additional troops. He could 
not understand why Sherman had Meridian as his objective point. 
General Polk at the same time ordered General Ferguson's Brigade 
from the front of General Sherman's advance to the south, in order 
also to protect the Mobile and Ohio Railroad. General Lee, on ar- 
riving at Newton Station, on the nth of February, met General 
Ferguson. He at once saw that General Sherman was going to 
Meridian and not to Mobile, and caused General Ferguson to retrace 
his steps and again get in front of General Sherman. 

General Stephen D. Lee. 315 

In the meantime General Sherman, after crossing Big Black river 
on two different roads, advanced rapidly to Jackson, arriving there 
on the morning of February 6th. He crossed Pearl river on the 
6th and 7th of February, and pressed out towards Brandon on the 
road to Meridian, arriving at Brandon on February 7th, at Morton 
February 7th, and at Meridian February 14th at 3 P. M., the Con- 
federate infantry and cavalry gradually falling back before him. 

General Lee made a dash at some wagons near Decatur. The 
enemy was found moving with every precaution, their trains per- 
fectly and judiciously arranged with each brigade, no foraging parties 
out, and their large infantry force ready to punish any ill-advised 
attempt on their column. Colonel R. C. Wood's Mississippi Regi- 
ment disabled about twenty wagons, but could not bring them off, 
as the infantry advanced on him from the front and the rear of the 
column. This was found to be the case wherever an attempt was 
made by the cavalry to impede the march. 

On the 13th General Polk ordered General Lee to again get to 
the north of General Sherman's line of march, as he proposed to 
evacuate Meridian and march with his infantry towards Demopolis, 
Ala. The enemy arrived at Meridian at 3 P. M., February 14th, 
the Confederate cavalry retiring towards Marion station. On this 
date (February 14th) General Polk issued an order placing Major- 
General Stephen D. Lee in command of all the cavalry west of Ala- 
bama. That officer at once put himself in rapid communication 
with General Forrest, who was then concentrating his command 
near Starkville, Miss., to check the large cavalry force which had 
left Collerville, on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, and was 
rapidly moving southward in the direction of the Mobile and Ohio 
Railroad and towards the great prairie region. For some reason 
this cavalry force of 7,000 men had delayed a week in starting to 
join General Sherman. 

From February 15th to 20th, General Sherman, while at Merid- 
ian, was engaged in destroying the railroad in every direction, 
north, south, east and west, for this purpose placing two divisions 
of infantry on each road. The road was destroyed for twelve miles 
in each direction, making a destruction of about fifty miles of rail- 
road. Attempts to stop the work were made by the cavalry, but 
the enemies' force was too large for it. In addition to destroying 
the railroads, they destroyed the city of Meridian, burning most of 
the houses, depots, hotels, boarding houses, and those near them. 
On February 20th, General Sherman began his return march to 

316 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Vicksburg. One of his corps took the road on which he came 
through Decatur to Hillsboro, the other marching from Lauderdale 
Station, on the Mobile & Ohio Railroad, by Union to Hillsboro, 
the latter corps feeling northward, hoping to hear of or find Gen- 
eral W. Sooy Smith's command, which Sherman had ordered to 
join him at Meridian about the ioth of February. The cavalry 
brigade (with General Sherman) was also detached as far north as 
Louisville and Philadelphia, and circled west and south through 
Kosciusko to Canton. The two corps met at Hillsboro and moved 
across Pearl river to Canton, marching on two separate roads. 
They remained at Canton several days, devastating and destroying 
the town and country for miles, and then returned to Vicksburg. 

In the meantime, February 17th, General Lee, under orders 
from General Polk, left only a few regiments to watch the army of 
General Sherman at Meridian and moved with all of his disposable 
force northward to unite with General Forrest in an attempt to crush 
the cavalry column under General Smith, estimated by General 
Forrest at 7,000 men. Lee put his four cavalry brigades (Ross had 
joined him the day before in the vicinity of Marion Station), in 
motion on the morning of February 18th, and reached the Line 
creek north of Starkville, and nine miles southwest of West Point, 
on the morning of February 22d. It was found that the enemy 
had begun a hasty retreat early on the morning of February 21st. 
General Forrest, as soon as he knew the probable destination of 
this cavalry column, concentrated his command in the vicinity of 
Starkville, and on the 20th had a part of his force at West Point, 
one brigade being in front of the town. He had up to this time 
offered no opposition to the advance of the Federal cavalry. He 
intended avoiding a battle until the arrival of General Lee's force, 
which was rapidly approaching, and he offered slight opposition at 
West Point, retreating across Sookartonichie creek, three miles 
from West Point. General Forrest knew that General Smith's 
force of 7,000 well equipped cavalry would outnumber his command 
when united with General Lee's, and he believed also that there 
would be trouble in avoiding a battle before the junction of the two 

General Sooy Smith began his march with the cavalry (7,000) and 
an infantry brigade on February ioth, a week later than General 
Sherman had expected him to start. Under cover of the advance 
of his infantry, he moved eastward with his cavalry to New Albany, 
then towards Pontotoc, and to within a few miles of Houston, where 

General Stephen D. Lee. 317 

he moved due east to Okolona; he then moved south down the 
Mobile and Ohio Railroad to Prairie station (fifteen miles north of 
West Point), where he concentrated his command. On February 
20th, he moved his entire command to the vicinity of West Point. 
Here he encountered the first Confederate brigade drawn up in line 
of battle a mile out of the city. After a slight skirmish the brigade 
retired before him through the citv, and on the road towards Stark - 
ville over Sookatonichie creek, General Smith, on arriving at West 
Point (February 20th), heard of the approach of General Stephen 
D. Lee's cavalry from the direction of Meriden, and had it confirmed 
from prisoners and deserters taken on the evening of the same date, 
when Forrest was retiring, and being followed across the Sooka- 
tonichie, to await the arrival of General Lee's command. 

General Smith, although he had fought no battle, and had met 
with no opposition to amount to anything on his march from Collier- 
ville to West Point, suddenly determined to retreat, and issued 
orders for his command to begin the return march early on the 
morning of the 21st of February. He says in his official report: 
"Exaggerated reports of Forrest's strength reached me constantly, 
and it was reported that Lee was about to reinforce him with a por- 
tion or the whole of his command." To cover his retreat, he moved 
one of his brigades towards Sockatonichie creek and attacked a part 
of General Forrest's command on February 21st. The fight lasted 
about two hours, when Forrest, with his usual perception and vigor, 
began to believe a change of operation had occurred in his front, 
and with a regiment and escort he began a headlong charge, break- 
ing through and driving the enemy before him. He found that 
Smith was rapidly retreating northward. He at once had all his 
command rushed to the front in pursuit, overtaking the enemy near 
Okolona, where he began crowding him, and gradually driving him 
from position to position, capturing six pieces of artillery; this pur- 
suit was kept up to near Pontotoc, on February 22d and 23d, where 
it was abandoned except by a small force. General Forrest had 
about exhausted his ammunition, and could follow the enemy no 
farther. The retreat was very rapid, the itinerary and reports show- 
ing that in the first day's retrograde movement (February 21st), 
a part of the command marched thirty-seven miles and had to re- 
mount with captured horses, abandoning many of their exhausted 
stock. It is difficult to understand his headlong retreat, except 
that the enemy was fearful of being cut off by the cavalry getting in 
their rear. It is difficult now to speculate as to the results had 

318 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Smith not retreated. It was a great disappointment to Generals 
Lee and Forrest. Their united forces numbered a little less than 
7,000 effectives, while Smith had that number. With a soldier's 
pride the Confederate commanders looked forward to the greatest 
cavalry battle of the war, where 14,000 cavalry were to meet in 
deadly conflict on one field. It was arranged that as soon as Gen- 
eral Lee arrived, Forrest was to take his entire force to the rear of 
Smith and cut off his retreat, while Lee was to battle in front, and 
in front and rear the battle was to be fought to a final issue. It was 
a great disappointment when it was found that the Federal general 
not only declined battle, but made one of the most headlong, hasty 
retreats during the war, before an inferior force in pursuit, not num- 
bering over 2,500 men. 

General Stephen D. Lee, as soon as he learned from dispatches 
from General Forrest of the rapid and headlong retreat of General 
W. S. Smith and his cavalry back towards Memphis, put his cavalry 
command again in motion to overtake General Sherman's command 
on its way to Vicksburg. General W. H. Jackson overtook the 
enemy in the vicinity of Sharon, Madison county. He found the 
enemy desolating and destroying the country in every direction. 
He soon drove in all foraging parties and confined their movements 
to one or two roads and a limited area. General Sherman's army 
recrossed Big Black river, March 6th, on its way to Vicksburg. 
The official reports show that in the three columns, Sherman's, 
Smith's and the Yazoo river expedition, the Federals lost in killed, 
wounded and missing, 912 men, and that General Forrest lost 144 
men, and General Stephen D. Lee 279 men, or only 423 men in all. 
These reports also show that Gen. Lee's cavalry was in the saddle ac- 
tively engaged from February 1st to March 4th, and that the com- 
mand marched from 600 to 800 miles during that time. 

It is difficult to understand the military object of Sherman's 
campaign. He says it was " to strike the roads inland, so as to 
paralyze the Rebel forces, that we could take from the defense of 
of the Mississippi river the equivalent of a corps of 20,000 men to 
be used in the next Georgia campaign, at the same time I wanted 
to destroy General Forrest, etc." He did destro)' over fifty miles 
of railroads, but he did not destroy Forrest, although his cavalry 
column of 7,000 men was the best equipped veteran cavalry that 
ever went into the field, and outnumbered Forrest's freshly raised 
men two to one. The railroads in twenty-six working days were 
thoroughly repaired and in as good running order as they were be- 

General Stephen D. Lee. 319 

fore his campaign, and this work was done by Major George Whit- 
field and Major Pritchard, of the Confederate Quartermaster 

The campaign, however, did demonstrate how few troops the Con- 
federacy had, and that it was a mere shell, all the fighting men being 
in the armies at the front, and only helpless women and children and 
negroes occupied the interior; that the few troops in Mississippi had 
to fall back until the armies at the front could be awakened to meet 
any new army not in front of the main armies; that General Sher- 
man could easily, at almost a moment's notice, take 30,000 men 
from the garrisons on the Mississippi river and move into Missis- 
sippi. General Sherman was outgeneraled by General Polk, and the 
expedition was devoid of military interest, but was most remark- 
able as bringing out clearly the harsh and cruel warfare waged 
against the Confederacy. General Sherman, in his official report, 
says he "made a swath of desolation fifty miles broad across the 
State of Mississippi, which the present generation will not forget." 
In his orders to General W. S. Smith, he tells him " to take horses, 
mules and cattle, and to destroy mills, barns, sheds, stables, etc.," 
and to tell the people " it was their time to be hurt." He literally 
carried out his plan to " make old and young, rich and poor, feel 
the hard hand of war as well as the organized armies." The reports 
of the Confederate commanders show that with the above-given 
license the enemy regarded nothing in the way of property, public 
or private, as worthy to be spared. General Stephen D. Lee, in 
his official report says: 

" On the line of march the enemy took or destroyed everything, 
carried off every animal, 8,000 negroes, burnt every vacant house, 
destroyed furniture, destruction was fearful." 

The track of the Federal column was marked by wanton destruc- 
tion of private property, cotton, corn, horses, provisions, furniture and 
all that could be destroyed. The people were left in absolute want. 
A Federal correspondent who accompanied Sherman, estimated the 
damage at $50,000,000, and three- fourths of this was private prop- 
erty, Meridian, Canton and other towns being almost totally de- 
stroyed. It is painful now, when we are again a reunited and pros- 
perous people, and the worst memories of the war have been rele- 
gated to the past, to recall this sad recollection, but the truth of 
history demands that the facts be given as they really were. 

320 Southern Historical Society Papers. 


A Sketch of the Eventful Life of the Confederate Cruiser. 


Carried the Confederate Flag Around the World. A Memorial 

Address by Capt. S. A. Ashe, before the Ladies' Memorial 

Association, at Raleigh, N. C, May 10, 1902. 

On Saturday afternoon, the ioth of May, 1902, at Raleigh, N. 
C, Captain S. A. Ashe delivered before the Ledies' Memorial As- 
sociation an address on Captain James Iredell Waddell, who com- 
manded the Confederate cruiser Shenandoah, carried the Confederate 
flag around the world, and never lowered it until seven months after 
Lee's surrender, when he brought his ship into a British port. 

From his address we take the following: 


Captain Bullock, the representative of the Confederate govern- 
ment in Europe, had succeeded in purchasing the Sea King, a 
vessel built for the East India trade, and then on her maiden voyage. 
She was commodious and well adapted to carrying a large comple- 
ment of men, sailed well under canvas, and had her screw propeller 
so adjusted that when not in use, it could be raised out of the water. 

In September, 1864, Flag Officer Barron, at Paris, pursuant to 
instructions from the department, gave to Lieutenant Waddell his 
particular directions. They were to the effect that he should pro- 
ceed to London and sail on the steamer Laurel to the island of 
Madeira. The Laurel had already on board a cargo apparently of 
merchandise — but really of cannon and munitions of war, which 
had been invoiced as machinery and other innocent goods and chat- 

The difficulties that beset Confederate operations abroad were 
almost insurmountable, the British authorities being vigilant to give 
no offence to the United States. 

The Sea King having been secretly purchased, also set sail for 

The Shenandoah. 321 

On October 19th the two vessels met off Funchal, and, a precon- 
certed signal being given, recognized each other, and proceeded to 
an anchorage on the shores of an uninhabited island some miles 
distant, where the transfer of stores was rapidly made, and Lieu- 
tenant Waddell read his commission, and raising the Confederate 
flag over the Sea King, christened her the Shenandoah. The little 
nook in which the vessels lay was well protected and the sea was 
smooth. The day was bright and lovely, and Lieutenant Waddell 
was inspired by the auspicious circumstances with the confident 
hope of success. In thirteen hours the consort had discharged 
every conceivable outfit intended for the Shenandoah, and then re- 
mained only to receive such passengers as were to return. 

Captain Waddell has left some account of the cruise of the Shen- 
andoah, from which I make some quotations: "I now felt," says 
Waddell, "that I had a good and fast ship under my feet — but 
there was a vast deal to be done, and to accomplish all that a crew 
was necessary." 


In picking out the crews of the two vessels in England particular 
efforts were made to secure adventurous spirits, who might be in- 
duced to enlist on th'e Shenandoah. No married man was shipped, 
and none were taken except with the hope that when the time came 
they would take service under the Confederate flag; but out of the 
fifty-five men present only twenty-three were willing to adventure 
in such an undertaking. Waddell' s force was, indeed, so weak that 
they could not weigh anchor — without assistance of the officers. 
These were young Confederates who had been sent abroad for such 
service, the first lieutenant being William C. Whittle, of Virginia, 
whose fine capacity rendered him of great assistance to Captain 

The officers threw off their jackets, and amid hearty cheers, 
soon had the anchor hanging at the bow; and the Shenandoah en- 
tered upon her new career, throwing out to the breeze the flag of 
the South and taking her place as a Confederate cruiser on her 
ocean home as a war vessel duly commissioned according to the 
laws of nations. That flag, wrote Waddell, unfolded itself grace- 
fully to the favoring breeze and declared the majesty of the country 
it represented, amid the cheers of a handful of brave-hearted men; 
and the Shenandoah dashed upon her native element, as if more 


Southern Historical Society Papers. 

than equal to the contest — cheered on by the acclamations of the 
Laurel, which was steaming- away from the land we love — to tell the 
tale of those who would rejoice that another Confederate cruiser was 

But work was to be done ! The Sea Kijig was to be metamor- 
phosed into a cruiser, and armed with a battery for which she was 
not constructed. The deck was to be cleared, the stores put away, 
the guns mounted, gun ports cut in the vessel's sides, and the ship 
put in readiness to uphold the honor of the Confederate flag; all 
was to be done in mid-ocean, without an organized force, and with 
a small crew never before associated together. 

While this situation was itself embarrassing, other embarrassments 
forced themselves on the mind of Lieutenant Waddell. In his 
memoir of his cruise he wrote: The novel character of my political 
position embarrassed me more than the feeble condition of my com- 
mand, and that was fraught with painful apprehensions enough. I 
had the compass to guide me as a sailor, but my instructions made 
me a magistrate in a new field of duty and where the law was not 
very clear even to lawyers. I was on all matters to act promptly 
and without counsel; but my admiral instructions and the instincts 
of honor and patriotism that animated every Southern gentleman 
who bore arms in the South, buoyed me up with the hope and sup- 
ported me amid the difficulties and responsibilities bearing upon me. 


Nobleman! chivalrous soul! brave heart! We here after these 
many years behold you rising aloft in those distant waters, the sole 
and solitary Confederate banner that has floated upon the bosom of 
the ocean. Alone it is borne by the breeze over the great waste of 
waters — the only emblem of our nation's sovereignty upheld be- 
yond the limits of our beleagured States. We now realize the diffi- 
culties that beset you. We know the perils of the deep — the 
storms and hurricanes that sweep the ocean — the fury of the wild 
waves moved by mighty winds — but these, these have no place in 
your thoughts as you unfold the flag of your country, then heroic- 
ally struggling for existence, but your mind is intent only on the 
honor of your countrymen! 

The Shenandoah was a composite vessel — the frame of iron, the 
hull of teak — six inches thick, she could steam about nine miles an 
hour — could condense about 500 gallons of water a day and used 

The Shenandoah. 323 

about twenty tons of coal a day; was very fast under favorable cir- 
cumstances — made fifteen miles an hour under sail. 

I am much indebted for some account of the incidents of the 
cruise of the Shenandoah to Captain W. C. Whittle, Waddell's first 
lieutenant, who has preserved the details in an admiral address de- 
livered before the R. E. Lee Camp of Virginia. 

Captain Whittle says: "Captain Waddell, though brave and 
courageous, was naturally discomforted and appalled at the work to 
be done." 

The battery consisted of four 8-inch, smooth bore cannon, two rifle 
Whitworth 32-pounders and two 12-pounder signal guns. 


Every man and officer pulled off his jacket and rolled up his 
sleeves and with the motto " Do or Die," went to work at anything 
and everything. The captain took the wheel frequently, steering 
the ship to give one more pair of hands for the work to be done. 
We worked systematically and intelligently, doing what was most 
imperatively necessary first. By the 22d of October, four days of 
hard work, the decks were cleared, the guns mounted and the car- 
penters began to cut port holes in the sides of the ship. 

Five days later the Shenandoah entered upon her first chase, and 
made a prize. And other prizes followed. From these prizes they 
secured twenty enlistments, increasing the crew from nineteen to 
to thirty-nine; so, including the officers, they had all told, sixty- 
two men, besides the prisoners, who were now and then sent away 
on some bonded vessel. 

On December 8th they made Tristam da Canha, near St. Helena, 
and passing to the east of Africa they reached Melbourne, Australia, 
January 25th, 1865. There they landed all their prisoners, and after 
refitting left on February 18th. After leaving the harbor a number 
of men who had secreted themselves on board, came on deck and 
enlisted, increasing their crew to 144. 

Sailing northward, in May, after many adventures, and capturing 
many prizes, they reached the shores of Kamskata. 

Captain Whittle says: We were in the arctic and contiguous re- 
gions during the summer. It was most interesting, as we went north 
towards the pole — to mark the days grow longer and longer, and to 
experience the sun's being below the horizon a shorter and shorter 
time, until finally the sun did not go out of sight at all. but would 

324 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

go down to the lowest point, and without disappearing would rise 
again. In short, it was all day. 

We went up as far as Gifinski and Tansk bays, but could not 
enter for ice, from fifteen to thirty feet thick. Frequent captures 
were made, and the smoke of the burning vessels made landmarks 
against the skies. 


It was now in the middle of summer, and on June 23d Waddell 
captured two whalers which had left San Francisco in April, and 
had on board papers of April 17th, in which was found the corre- 
spondence between General Grant and General Lee, and a state- 
ment of the surrender at Appomattox, but the same papers also 
contained President Davis's proclamation from Danville, declaring 
that Lee's surrender would only cause the prosecution of the war 
with renewed vigor. 

How harrowing must have been the news to these daring Confed- 
erates, then amid the floes of ice in the Polar ocean! But they 
were men of nerve. Whittle says: 

" We felt that the South had sustained great reverses; but at no 
time did we feel a more imperative duty to prosecute our work with 
vigor. Between June 22d and 28th we captured twenty-four whaling 
vessels, eleven being taken on the 28th. 

Some of the prisoners expressed their opinion that the war was 
over, but notwithstanding that, eight of the prisoners taken that day 
enlisted on board the Shenandoah. 

On June 29th, the Confederate flag was flying in the Artie ocean, 
but on that day Waddell turned his prow away from the pole and 
passed southward through Behring straits. 

On July 5th they passed the Aleutian Islands, one of which was 
a volcano and was in a state of eruption, smoke and tire issuing 
from its peak. That was the last land seen by the Shenandoah for 
many days. 

Let us pause for a moment and. consider the strange situation of 
this Confederate cruiser — a war vessel representing the sovereignty 
of a nation that had expired amid the throes of disaster ! In mid- 
ocean, separated by thousands of miles from any friendly hand, 
subject to vicissitudes — uncertain of the present, apprehensive of 
the future. 

Brave hearts, true men, bold seamen. They feared not the fury 
of the waves, nor the storms of the ocean, but they knew well man's 

The Shenandoah. 325 

inhumanity to man. They knew that the Navy Department of the 
United States, freed from the restraints imposed by fear of retalia- 
tion, would be vindictive and tyrannical to the last degree. 

That department had always proclaimed the Southern people 
rebels, and their cruisers only pirates. On the land we had forced 
a recognition of belligerent rights, but at sea we had been powei- 
less to retaliate. 

On August 2d, when in north latitude 1 6 degrees and 122 west 
longitude, seeing a sailing bark, the Shenandoah made chase under 
steam and sail and overhauled her at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. It 
proved to be the British bark Barracoota — thirteen days out from 
San Francisco, en route for Liverpool. When the British captain 
was asked for the news of the war he inquired in astonishment, 
' ' What war ? " " The war between the United States and the Con- 
federate States." " Why," said he, " that war has been over ever 
since April. What ship is that ? " " The Confederate ship Shen- 
a?idoa/i," was the reply. 


Then came the information of the surrender of all the Confederate 
forces, the capture of President Davis, and the entire collapse of 
the Confederate cause; and the additional information, says Whittle, 
that Federal cruisers were searching for us everywhere, and would 
deal summarily with us, if caught. Files of recent papers confirmed 
it all. The information was appalling. We were bereft of country, 
bereft of government, bereft of a cause for which to scruggle and 

The independence for which our brave people had so nobly fought, 
suffered and died, was, under God's ruling, denied to us. Our 
anguish of disappointed hopes cannot be described. 

Naturally our minds and hearts turned to our dear ones at home. 
What of the fate of each and all who were dear to us ! These were 
the harrowing thoughts that entered into our very souls, the meas- 
ures and intensity of which cannot be portrayed. 

Then of ourselves ! We knew the intensity of feeling engen- 
dered by the war — and particularly in the breasts of our foes to- 
wards us. 

We knew that every effort would be made for our capture, and 
felt that if we fell into the. hands of the enemy, fired as their hearts 
were, we could not hope for a fair trial and judgment. Even during 

326 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the war we had been opprobriously called pirates, and we knew, if 
captured, we would be summarily dealt with as such 

These were reflections that disquited us — but they caused no de- 
moralization, or craven fear, but were borne by true men with clear 
consciences, who had done their duty as they saw it, with all the 
powers given them by God. It was a situation desperate to a de- 
gree, to which history furnishes no parallel. The first duty was to 
suspend hostilities and to proclaim such suspension. 


The following entry was made in the log book August 2, 1865, 
the Shenandoah being then off the coast of Mexico: " Having re- 
ceived by the bark Barracovta the sad intelligence of the overthrow 
of the Confederate government, all attempts to destroy shipping or 
property of the United States will cease from this date, in accord- 
ance with which First Lieutenant W. C. Whittle received the order 
from the commander to strike below the battery and disarm the 
ship and crew." 

The next step was to seek asylum with some strong nation, strong 
enough to maintain the ruling of the law of nations, and resist any 
demand for our surrender to our enemies, so that we might have a 
full and fair trial. 

Writing of that critical time, Captain Waddell wTote: " My own 
life had been chequered, and I was tutored to disappointments. The 
intelligence of the issue of the fearful struggle cast a deep stillness 
over the ship's company, and would have occupied all my reflection, 
had not a responsibility of the highest order rested upon me — as to 
the course I should pursue, which involved not only my personal 
honor, but the honor of that flag entrusted to me, which had thus 
far been triumphant. I determined to run the ship for a European 
port — which involved a distance of 17,000 miles — a long gauntlet 
to run and escape. But why should I not succeed in baffling obser- 
vation and pursuit? The ship had up to that time traversed 40,000 
miles without accident. 

" I considered it due to the honor of all concerned to avoid any- 
thing that had a show of dread — under the severe trial imposed upon 
me, that such was my duty as a man and an officer, in whose hands 
was placed the honor of my country's flag and the welfare of my 

The Shenandoah. 327 


And so Waddell determined to sail for England. No longer did 
he have legitimate authority, for his commission expired with the 
collapse of the Confederacy; yet so well disciplined had his crew 
become, that to the very end the conduct of his crew was remarkable. 

On the 15th of September, running at the rate of fifteen miles an 
hour, the Shenandoah turned Cape Horn, and took her course north- 
ward for Liverpool. We passed many sails, says Whittle, but ex- 
changed no signals. We were making no new acquaintances. They 
crossed the equator for the fourth time on October 11, 1865. On 
October 25th, in the afternoon, when about 500 miles south of the 
Azores, they sighted a supposed Federal cruiser. Their courses 
converged. The stranger was apparently waiting for the approach- 
ing vessel. 

Quoting now from Captain Waddell: " The situation was one oi 
anxious suspense. Our security, if any remained, depended on a 
strict adherence to our course. Deviation would be fatal; boldness 
must accomplish the deception. Still we forged toward the sail, and 
it would be madness to stop. Darkness finally threw her friendly 
folds around the anxious hearts on the little ship and closed the 
space between the vessels. What a relief ! We could not have 
been four miles away. 

The Shenandoah" ' s head was then turned southward and steam 
ordered. It was the first time she had been under steam since 
crossing the equator on the Pacific side; indeed, the fires had not 
been lighted for a distance of more than 13,000 miles. The Shenan- 
doah ran fifteen miles to the eastward, and then steamed north for 
100 miles, when a strong northwest wind dashed her within 700 
miles of Liverpool. A calm then ensued, leaving us in sight of 
eleven sails during daylight. The ship was continued under sail 
until night again took us in its friendly embraces, when, after furling 
all sails, the vessel was put under steam and pushed her way towards 
the desired haven. 

The Shenandoah entered St. George's channel on the morning 
of November 5th — just 122 days from the Aleutian Islands. We 
saw no land after leaving the Aleutian Islands until the beacon light 
in St. George's channel was seen exactly where it was looked for. 
We had sailed 23,000 miles without seeing land, and still saw the 
beacon exactly where we expected. 

328 Southern Historical Society Payers, 

The daily calculation of the ship's position was very accurate, 
when that fact is considered. 

I received a pilot after night, and when he was informed of the 
character of the vessel, he said: " I was reading a few days ago of 
her being in the Arctic ocean. ' ' I asked for American news. He said 
the war had gone against the South. That was in November. 
Lee's surrender was in April. 

"The quiet satisfaction seen in all countenances," says Captain 
Waddell, "for our success in reaching a European port was unmis- 

We should think, indeed, there was cause. The chief danger 
was now past! 


On the morning of the 6th of November, 1865, the Shenandoah 
steamed up the Mersey, bearing aloft the Confederate flag. A few 
moments after she had anchored, a British naval officer boarded her 
— to ascertain the name of the steamer — and he gave Captain Wad- 
dell official information that the American war had terminated. No 
longer was there any Confederacy! The Southern States were 
a part of the United States! 

The Confederate flag — representing then neither people — nor 
country — an emblem of an era that had closed in the history of 
mankind — was then sorrowfully lowered, this historic act taking 
place at 10 A. M. on the 6th of November, 1865. The vessel was 
then given in charge to the British government. 

For a day or two some correspondence was in progress between 
the British and American authorities in regard to the Shenandoah, 
her officers and crew. But on the 8th of November the crew were 
suffered to depart, and soon the British government turned the ves- 
sel over to the United States authorities, by whom she was sold to 
the Sultan of Zanzibar, and later she was lost at sea. 

She was the only vessel that carried the Confederate flag around 
the world, and she bore it at her mast head seven months after the 
surrender of the Southern armies and the obliteration of the South- 
ern Confederacy. 

In her cruise of thirteen months, she ran 58,000 miles, and met 
with no accident, and for a period of eight months, she did not drop 
her anchor. She destroyed more vessels than any other ship of war 
known to history, except alone the Alabama, and inflicted severe 
loss on the commerce of the United States. 

Featherstone-Posey-Harris Mississippi Brigade. 329 

[From the New Orleans, La., Picayune, June 1, 1902.] 



By Captain E. Howard McCaleb, of New Orleans. 

On the 16th day of April, 1861, the Claiborne Guards were or- 
ganized and mustered into the service of the State of Mississippi 
by Lieutenant N. F. Hawkins, of the Mississippi Rifles. 

The officers were: John G. Hastings, Sr., captain; A. J. Lewis, 
first lieutenant; W. H. Hastings, second lieutenant; W. T. Jeffries, 
third lieutenant; R. Shoemaker, hrst sergeant, and H. C. Knight, 
second sergeant. 

Before the departure of the company from Port Gibson, Captain 
Hastings resigned, and Henry Hughes, author of Southern Sociol- 
ogy, and classmate of the great French imperialist, Paul Cassagnac, 
was elected in his stead. How well do I recollect that bright April 
day, when the ladies of Port Gibson presented to the Claiborne 
Guards, in Apollo Hall, a beautiful silken flag, wrought by their 
own fair hands! How our chivalric captain, Hughes, in responding 
to the address made on that occasion, promised that "my brave 
boys will come back from the war corpses rather than cowards." 
How, on the evening of that lovely spring day, amid the sobs and 
tears of dear ones, we bade farewell to Port Gibson, while the loud- 
mouthed cannon pealed forth its prophetic Godspeed. 

We faithfully kept the promise made by our gallant captain, for 
of the 125 comrades who left with us on that bright April day, but 
thirteen veterans now survive, and thirteen more who severed their 
connection with the company after the expiration of their first year's 
service. And the rest! Ah, where are they? Dead on the field 
of glory. They gave up their lives, a precious offering on free- 
dom's bloody altar. Amid flame and smoke, and yells and groans, 
their young hearts beat life's last tattoo, and their spirits flew back 
to the God who gave them, like incense ascending in the sight of 

Far away from home they fought and fell on the sacred soil of 
Virginia. There, on a hundred fields, they are sleeping the holy 

330 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

sleep of death. Peace to their ashes. Calmly ?nd quietly may 
they rest, nursed in the lap of old mother earth, far away from the 
scenes of their childhood. And may the singing birds, the sigh- 
ing winds and the murmuring crystal waters, as they trickle down 
the mountain's side, chant a ceaseless requiem to their memory. 

After our departure from Port Gibson, the Claiborne Guards went 
to Jackson, where they remained in camp for about a week, and then 
removed to Corinth, Miss. There, in May, 1861, the 12th Missis- 
sippi Infantry Regiment was organized, composed of the following- 
companies: Charles Clark Rifles, from Jefferson county; Raymond 
Fencibles, from Hinds county; Sardis Blues, from Panola county; 
Pettus' Relief, from Copiah county; Natchez Fencibles, from Adams 
county; Vicksburg Sharpshooters, from Warren county; Lawrence 
Rifles, from Lawrence county; Claiborne Guards, from Claiborne 
county; Sartartia Rifles, from Yazoo county, and Durant Rifles, 
from Holmes county. Richard Griffith, who was adjutant of Jeft 
Davis' Mississippi Regiment during the Mexican war, was elected 
colonel; W. H. Taylor, lieutenant-colonel; Dickinson, major; W. 
M. Inge, adjutant; J. H. Capers, sergeant-major; M. S. Craft, sur- 
geon, and Rank Dickson, quartermaster. 

From Corinth, Miss., the regiment was transferred to Union City, 
Tenn., in May, 1861. There we camped until the 18th of July, 
losing a large number of good and true men from sickness, when 
we were ordered to proceed to Virginia. We reached Manassas 
Junction just before daylight on Monday morning, July 22, 1861, 
the day after the first important battle of the war. The regiment 
went into camp at Manassas where they stayed two or three weeks 
guarding the captured cannon, which were parked around General 
Beauregard's headquarters. From Manassas we went into camp on 
Bull Run, and there were brigaded with the 5th, 6th and 12th Ala- 
bama Regiments, under command of General "Dick" Ewell. 
Brigadier-General R. E. Rhodes, of Alabama, succeeded General 
Ewell in command of the brigade, and we were ordered to Davis' 
Crossroads, in Fairfax county. During the remainder of the sum- 
mer and fall of 1861 our regiment was doing picket duty in front of 
Alexandria and along the Alexandria Railroad. 

About the 1st of November, 1861, shortly after the battle of Lees- 
burg, while we were encampted at Camp Van Dorn, our colonel, 
Griffith, was promoted brigadier and placed in command of the 
Mississippi regiments engaged in that fight, and Captain Henry 
Hughes, of the Claiborne Guards, elected colonel in his stead. 

Feather stone- Posey -Harris Mississippi Brigade. 331 

In December, 1861, we went into winter quarters at Davis' ford, 
some six miles from Manassas, on the Occoquan river, in Prince Wil- 
liam county, Va., and there whiled away the time drilling and doing 
picket duty until the middle of March, 1862. It was there we cel- 
ebrated the anniversary of the secession of Mississippi, on the 9th 
of January. It was there that we first endured the hardships of a 
Virginia winter and learned to skate on the ice of the frozen Occo- 

From Davis' ford, in March, 1862, we began our retreat. We 
recall the speech delivered by Colonel Hughes on that bleak March 
morning, just before our departure. Said he, straightening him- 
self up on his queer-looking war steed: "Soldiers, the enemy is 
trying to flank us; we are going to march to meet them. If you 
are cowards, stragglers, pilferers and plunderers, I will have you 
shot; but if you are hightoned, honorable Mississippi gentlemen, as 
I have always known you to be, I'll love you. Forward by the 
right flank; route step, march !" On the retreat from Davis' ford 
we passed through the wealthy counties of Fauquier, Culpeper and 
Orange, tarrying several days at Rappahannock station, finally 
reaching Orange county, Virginia, where we camped some fifteen 
days, and departed thence for the peninsula to join the forces of the 
gallant General John B.' Magruder. Our brigade (Rhodes') was 
camped near Yorktown, and a small number of our command were 
here first engaged in an insignificant skirmish with the enemy. 

While at Yorktown our term of service expired, and the regiment 
was reorganized by the election of W r . H. Taylor, colonel; M. B. 
Harris, lieutenant-colonel, and W. H. Lilly, major. J. H. Capers 
was appointed adjutant, and E. H. McCaleb sergeant-major. 

Joseph E. Johnston, with his heroic army, after delaying McClellan 
many weeks around Yorktown, began to retreat up the peninsula to 
Richmond. The Federals overtook us at Williamsburg, and there 
an important engagement was fought between Hooker's Division of 
Heintzleman's Corps and the Confederate rear guard, commanded 
by General Longstreet, on the 5th of May, 1862. Although our 
regiment was under heavy fire, it cannot be said to have been ac- 
tually engaged in the battle of Williamsburg. After this important 
engagement, resulting in a great victory for the Confederate arms, 
we continued our march unmolested, and subsequently encamped 
on the banks of the Chickahominy, near Richmond. Here we re- 
mained until the morning of the 30th of May, 1862, when the long 

38^ Southern Historical Society Papers. 

roll was sounded, calling us to receive our baptism of blood at the 
ever-memorable battle of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks. 

For eight long, consecutive hours the 12th Mississippi Regiment 
was under fire in the hottest and thickest of the fight, capturing the 
Federal fortifications and an excellent battery of artillery. But the 
victory was dearly won, for of the 446 men we carried into this en- 
gagement, 204 were killed and wounded. 

Among the number was the chivalric Captain Henry Hastings, of 
the Claiborne Guards, killed outright as he grasped the flagstaff of 
our regimental colors, after five color-bearers had been shot down 
beneath its folds Colonel Wm, H. Taylor, by his cool, calm and 
collected manner, won for himself the soubriquet of the "old war 
horse" on that sanguinary field. Lieutenant-Colonel Harris was 
severely wounded in the head, and Major W. H. Lilly rendered in- 
dispensable assistance to Colonel Taylor in directing the movements 
of the regiment and assigning the companies to the position they 
were respectfully called upon to occupy during the engagement. It 
was here that the soldier-poet of the Confederacy, beholding the 
daring courage of the Mississippians, exclaimed: 

■' Twelfth Mississippi! I saw your brave columns, 
Rush thro' the ranks of the living and dead. 
Twelfth Alabama! why weep your old war-horse? 
He died as he wished, in the gear, at your head." 

Soon after the battle of Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks, we were bri- 
gaded with the 16th, 19th and 48th Mississippi Regiments and 
placed under command of Brigadier- General Featherstone. Again 
the long roll sounded, and we were called upon to begin the seven 
days' battles around Richmond. On the evening of the 26th of 
June, about midnight, we bivouacked upon the ground where skir- 
mishing had been going on during the day. Bright and early on 
the morning of the 27th of June, just as I had begun to get the regi- 
ment in line, and while the orderly sergeant of the Natchez Fenc- 
cibles was calling the roll, a murderous hailstorm of bullets rained 
down upon us. The order was given to charge. Major Lilly was 
severely wounded, and Meriwether Jones, of the Claiborne Guards, 
a talented and promising son of old Claiborne, together with many 
other brave young men, were killed outright as we swept down upon 
the enemy's outposts with a terrible yell, forcing them to beat a 
hasty retreat. We kept in hot pursuit all day, passing through the 

Featherstone- Posey- Harris Mississippi Brigade. 333 

deserted camps of McClellan's hitherto invincible army, and again 
attacked the enemy about 3 o'clock that evening at Gaines' Mill, or 
Cold Harbor, driving him before us and assailing him in his strong- 
fortified position on the ridge, with an abattis of felled timber in 
front to protect him against assault. We carried his works, forced 
our way to the crest of the hill, went flying over the open field at a 
double-quick, capturing large numbers of prisoners and threatening 
utter annihilation of McClellan's army, which was only prevented 
by the incessant and terrific fire of the batteries south of the Chicka- 
hominy upon our advancing columns. 

On the evening of the 30th of June, near dusk, we fought the 
battle of Frazier's Farm, regaining the ground lost by Pryor's Bri- 
gade, the conflict raging furiously until after 9 o'clock in the night. 
It was here that Howard West, of the Claiborne Guards, a fearless 
and gallant soldier, and many others whose names have escaped my 
memory, fell to rise no more. Our regiment did not participate in 
the battle of Malvern Hill, having been terribly cut up at Frazier's 
Farm the night previous. Here the seven days' fights around 
Richmond terminated. 

We had assisted McClellan in " changing his base " and seeking 
the protection of his gunboats in the James river. General John 
Pope, who had only seen the backs of his enemies, and who dated 
his orders from his " Headquarters in the Saddle," had advanced 
across the Rappahannock as far south as Culpeper Courthouse, and 
near Gordonsville. Having reached the Rapidan, General Stone- 
wall Jackson's Corps was sent to meet him. Longstreet followed 
Jackson, and by forced marches our brigade passed through Hope- 
well Gap, and arrived in time to participate in the second battle of 
Manassas, on the 29th of August, 1862. In my mind's eye I can 
see the dauntless Featherstone, mounted on his war steed and giv- 
ing the order at the top of his voice to charge. I can hear, in im- 
agination, that awful Rebel yell as it swept down the lines, and see 
my brigade as it advanced at a double-quick in close pursuit of the 
fleeing enemy, capturing an excellent battery of Napoleon guns, 
and following up the victory till darkness put an end to the conflict. 

Pope's "headquarters" were captured, and his Grand Army of 
the Potomac again took refuge in the fortifications around Alex- 
andria and Washington. 

Our army moved on to Maryland, Featherstone' s Brigade cross- 
ing the Potomac near Leesburg. On the 7th of September, 1862, 
we pitched our tents on the banks of the Monocacy river, near 

334 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Frederick City. Here we rested for four or five days, and finally 
took up our line of march, following Stonewall Jackson's Corps 
down to Harper's Ferry, where we occupied the Maryland Heights, 
assisting in the capture of General Miles' garrison, numbering some 
12,000 men, besides seventy-three pieces of artillery, 13,000 small 
arms and a large quantity of military stores. We did not tarry long 
at Harper's Ferry, but marching all night on the 16th, up the Vir- 
ginia shore, recrossed the Potomac at Shephardstown and arrived 
upon the battlefield of Sharpsburg, or Antietam, early on the morn- 
ing of the 17th of September, 1862. I was wounded soon after we 
got under the enemy's fire, compelled to retire from the field, and 
cannot, therefore, speak of the issue of the memorable engagement. 

Our army came back to old Virginia, barefooted and footsore. 
We camped near Winchester, and there made moccasins out of raw- 
hides, to cover blistered and bleeding feet. When I next rejoined 
the command it was camped near Fredericksburg, facing Burnside's 
army on the opposite side of the Rappahannock river, just after the 
battle of Marye's Heights. Here we went into winter quarters, 
about the 20th of January, 1863, at which time General Featherstone 
was relieved from the command of the brigade, and Colonel Carnot 
Posey, of the 16th Mississippi, promoted and assigned to his place. 
Never shall I forget the noble-hearted charity of the brigade to the 
Fredericksburg sufferers, our brigade having subscribed $2,287 f° r 
their relief, savings out of the scanty pay of the soldiers. 

About the 1st of February, 1863, Captain Joseph W. Jayne, of the 
1 8th Mississippi, was appointed colonel of the 48th Mississippi, and 
the gallant young Manlove, of Vicksburg, lieutenant-colonel. 

After the battle of Sharpsburg new flags were presented to the 
different regiments composing Featherstone' s Brigade, which, by 
the fortunes of war, had lost their colors. But the "Bloody Twelfth' ' 
preferred to retain her old battle flag, with thirty-five bullet holes 
through it, which told in silence the story of its memorable deeds. 
Our brigade marched through the snow from Fredericksburg to the 
United States ford, on the Rappahannock river, where we were as- 
signed to outpost duty. There we remained until the 1st of May, 
when " Fighting Joe Hooker" commenced his onward march to 
Richmond. We were the first to begin the battles of the Wilder- 
ness. On Friday evening, May 1, we repulsed the enemy's skir- 
mishers and drove a column, numbering three times our number, 
pell-mell before us. Again, on Sunday morning, May 3, Posey's 
Brigade charged the enemy in their breastworks before Chancel- 

Featherstone-Posey-Harris Mississippi Brigade. 335 

lorsville, capturing over 700 prisoners and covering the earth in 
every direction with killed and wounded. Generals Lee and An- 
derson were present at this daring exploit, and expressed their 
admiration for the death -defying courage of the Mississippians. 
Our brigade was also engaged Monday evening, May 4, near Fred- 
ericksburg, and there added another gem to its glittering diadem of 
victorious achievements. 

About 350 gallant men, killed and wounded in the battles of the 
Wilderness, bear ample testimony to the part our brigade bore in 
the series of brilliant achievements which covered the Army of 
Northern Virginia with everlasting honor and renown. But, not- 
withstanding our undisputed successes, we all felt that we had sus- 
tained a loss almost irreparable. Stonewall Jackson, the great and 
good, had been mortally wounded. There was a witchery in his 
name which carried confidence to friend and terror to foe. That 
bright star, which had hitherto eclipsed all others in brilliancy, had 
suddenly sunk to rise no more. On the receipt of the sad intelli- 
gence of his death there was scarce a dry eye in the whole Army 
of Northern Virginia, and we all felt that a heavy stone of sorrow 
had been rolled on our hearts. 

Among the many amusing anecdotes related of that distinguished 
chieftain, it is said that' upon a fatiguing, forced march during his 
celebrated campaign in the valley of the Shenandoah, a verdant 
Mississippi recruit of the 16th Regiment lay prostrated by the way- 
side as General Jackson rode up, and, observing his commander, 
the undisciplined soldier addressed him thus: "General, what do 
you design by marching us so far ? Come, now, and explain your 
plans to me." Whereupon the hero fixed his eyes upon the pri- 
vate and quizzingly asked: "Can you keep a secret?" "Yes, 
that I can," was the reply, his eyes sparkling, expecting to hear 
something wonderful. "Ah, so can I," General Jackson laconi- 
cally answered, and galloping off, left the soldier as unsatisfied as 

We were along with the army during the invasion of Pennsylva- 
nia. On the night of the 2d of July, while doing picket duty at 
Gettysburg, Posey's Brigade, then temporarily under command of 
Colonel W. H. Taylor, captured sixty Federal pickets without fir- 
ing a gun. After the disasterous engagement at Gettysburg we 
began our retreat southward, wading the Potomac up to our arm- 
pits, and carrying our cartridge boxes on top of our shoulders to 
prevent them from getting wet. 

336 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

We participated in the battle of Bristow Station, and there, on 
the 14th of October, General Carnot Posey was mortally wounded. 
We again fell back to the line of the Rappahannock, and passed 
the winter of 1863-64 near Orange Courthouse. Colonel N. H. 
Harris, of the 19th Mississippi Regiment, was appointed to succeed 
General Posey as our brigadier. 

General Grant took command of the army of the Potomac and 
began another "On to Richmond." 

We were engaged in the battles of the Wilderness, and on the 
1 2th of May, 1864, participated in the great battle of Spottsylvania 
Courthouse, retaking a salient angle captured from Johnson's Di- 
vision. Just before entering this fight a shell exploded near a group 
of horsemen surrounding General Lee. He rode up to our regi- 
ment and asked how many rounds of cartridges have the men. He 
was answered, forty rounds in their boxes and twenty in their 
pockets. His face was flushed, and eyes sparkling with anxiety. 
We were ordered to march by the left flank, General Lee placing 
himself at our head and leading us in the direction of the heavy 
firing. Soon shot and shell and minie balls were crashing and hiss- 
ing and crashing around our ears. The men began to cry out: "Go 
back, General Lee! General Lee to the rear! " 

Colonel Charles Scott Venable, his chief of staff, grasped the 
bridle of. his horse and besought him to retire beyond the reach of 
danger. Standing up in his stirrups, and looking back upon our 
serried ranks, he exclaimed: " Mississippians, I go back under 
one condition, and that is that you go forward. Remember, you 
strike for Mississippi to-day! " 

And they did go forward. And for twelve long hours held the 
enemy at bay. May God in his mercy never again permit us to be- 
hold such a field of carnage and death! 

On the 27th of May, 1864, near Hanover Junction, on the North 
Anna river, we repulsed and annihilated a Massachusetts brigade, 
mortally wounding Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Chandler, of the 5th 
Massachusetts Volunteers, while gallantly leading his command 
against our regiment. We were again in the battles of Cold Harbor 
and Turkey Ridge before Richmond. About the middle of June 
we participated in the battle of Petersburg, where Colonel Harris was 
severely wounded in the head. The regimental officers were at that 
time M. B. Harris, colonel; S. B. Thomas, lieutenant-colonel; J. 
R. Bell, major, and E. Howard McCaleb, adjutant. 

On the 1 8th of August we retook the position occupied by Gen- 

Feather stone- Posey-Harris Mississippi Brigade. 


eral J. V. B. Girardey's Georgia Brigade, on the north side of 
James river, in front of Richmond; returned to Petersburg, on the 
south side, and on the 21st of August fought the battle of the Wel- 
don Railroad, where the writer was severely wounded, left for dead 
on the battlefield, and taken North, without his consent, to spend 
the winter. From the 30th of July to the 21st of August, 1864, 
Harris' Mississippi Brigade lost 14 killed, 103 wounded, and 131 
missing in battles around Petersburg. During this time Lieutenant- 
Colonel S. B. Thomas, than whom a braver or truer soldier never 
existed, commanded the bloody 12th Regiment. I cannot speak 
of the operations of our command after that time, having, as I said 
before, been wounded and taken prisoner. 

A historian of the war, however, by no means partial to the troops 
hailing from the cotton States, in narrating the events that occurred 
in the last desperate struggle before Petersburg, says: 

" Receiving no assistance from its twin brother (Fort Alexander) 
Fort Gregg, manned by Harris' Mississippi Brigade, numbering 
250 men, breasted intrepidly the tide of its multitudinous assailants. 
Five times Gibson's Corps surged up and around the work — five 
times with dreadful carnage they were driven back. I am told 
that it was subsequently admitted by General Gibson that in carry- 
ing Fort Gregg he lost' from 500 to 6oo men; or, in other words, 
that each Mississippian inside the works struck down at least two 
assailants. When at last the work was carried, there remained out 
of its 250 defenders but thirty survivors. In these nine memorable 
days there was no episode more glorious to the Confederate arms 
than the heroic self-immolation of the Mississippians, in Fort Gregg, 
to gain time for their comrades." 

On the 16th day of April, 1865, after I was exchanged, under di- 
rections of President Davis, I gathered together a number of old 
veteran soldiers belonging to our brigade, at Greensboro, N. C, 
who were absent on furlough at the time of the battles before Peters- 
burg, and were returning to their respective commands, and formed 
them into a company, as the President's mounted escort, accom- 
panying him and his cabinet as far south as Washington, Ga., where 
we were dismissed on the 4th of May, 1865. 

338 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

[From the Times- Dispatch, February 12, 1905.] 


The Trying Experience of the Ex-President at Fort 



Actual Instructions of Assistant Secretary of War as to Shackles. 

By Colonel William H. Stewart. 

The steamer William P. Clyde, with President Jefferson Davis, 
Mrs. Davis, son and two daughters; Vice-President Alexander H. 
Stephens, Hon. C. C. Clay and Mrs. Clay, Hon John H. Reagan, 
Confederate Postmaster-General; General Joseph Wheeler, and 
other prisoners, convoyed by the United States ship Tuscarora, 
arrived in Hampton Roads on the 19th of May, 1865, from Port 
Royal, S. C. 

The arrival was immediately wired to Washington, and that af- 
ternoon Secretary of War E. M. Stanton ordered Major-General 
H. W. Halleck to proceed to Fortress Monroe, take charge of the 
prisoners, and to imprison Messrs. Davis and Clay securely in that 
fortress; to send Messrs. Stephens and Regan to Fort Warren by 
sea in a gunboat; General Wheeler and staff, Colonels Lubbock and 
Johnston, aids to President Davis, to Fort Delaware, also in a gun- 
boat; Colonel Harrison, secretary to Mr. Davis, to Washington, 
and the remainder of the prisoners to Fort McHenry, in the Clyde, 
under convoy. He was also instructed to allow the ladies and chil- 
dren of the party to go to such places in the South as they might 
prefer, but forbid their going North or remaining at Fortress Mon- 
roe or Norfolk. He was also directed to prevent any one from vis- 
iting or holding communication with President Davis or Mr. Clay, 
either verbally or in writing. This was to deny them any commu- 
nication either with their wives or children. 


The Maumee, Commander F. A. Parker, sailed with General 
Wheeler and party on the 21st of May for Fort Delaware, and the 

Prison Life of Jefferson Davis. 339 

Tuscarora, Commander James Madison Frailey, sailed at the same 
time with Messrs. Stephens and Reagan for Fort Warren. 

The orders for the Clyde were changed, and she was directed to 
take the ladies and children to Savannah, Ga. , without restraint, 
and arriving there to give them perfect liberty. 

As the prisons could not be prepared for Messrs. Davis and Clay 
at once, they were held on the Clyde until the 22d of May; then the 
prelude to the infamy of the nineteenth century began. 

General Halleck ordered Major-General Nelson A. Miles to pro- 
ceed at i P. M. on a tug with a guard from the garrison to bring the 
prisoners from the Clyde to the engineer's wharf, thence through 
the battery to their prisons. 


At precisely i o'clock General Miles left for the Clyde, and at 
1 130 o'clock the tug left the Clyde, landing at the engineer's wharf. 
The procession to the prison was led by cavalrymen from Colonel 
Pritchard's command, and moved through the water battery on the 
front of the fortress and entered by a postern leading from that 
battery. The cavalrymen were followed by General Miles, holding 
Mr. Davis by the right arm. Next came half a dozen soldiers, and 
then Colonel Pritchard with Mr. Clay, and last, the guard of soldiers 
which Miles took with him from the garrison. 

The distinguished prisoners asked to see General Halleck, but 
were denied. They were incarcerated, each in a separate inner 
room of a casemate, with a window heavily barred, and a sentry was 
placed before each of the doors leading into the outer room. These 
doors were secured by bars fastened on the outside, and two other 
sentries stood outside of these doors, and an officer was put on duty 
in the outer room, with instructions to see the prisoners every fifteen 
minutes. The outer door of all was locked on the outside, and the 
key kept exclusively by the general officer of the guard, and two 
sentries were also stationed without that door. 


A strong line of sentries was posted to cut off all access to the 
vicinity of the casemate; another line stationed on the top of the 
parapet overhead, and a third line posted across the moats on the 
counterscarp opposite the places of confinement. The casemates 
on each side and between those occupied by the prisoners were used 
as guard rooms, so that soldiers would always be at hand. Mr. 

340 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Davis occupied casemate No. 2; Mr. Clay, No. 4; Nos. 1, 3 and 5 
were occupied by guards of soldiers. A lamp was kept constantly 
burning in each of the prisoners' rooms. The furniture of each 
prisoner was a hospital bed with iron bedstead, a stool, table and a 
movable stool closet. A Bible was allowed each, and afterwards a 
prayer-book and tobacco were added. 

These regulations must have been directed or supervised by C. 
A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, who was present, for he says: 
" I have not given orders to have them placed in irons, as General 
Halleck seemed opposed to it; but General Miles is instructed to 
have fetters ready if he thinks them necessary." 

On the 24th of May, 1865, Miles reported to Dana: "* * * 
Yesterday I directed that irons be put on Davis' ankles, which he 
violently resisted, but became more quiet afterward. His hands 
are unencumbered.' ' 

These fetters remained on five days, although Dr. Craven urged 
their removal, because the irritation caused by the chains was coun- 
terpoising whatever medicine he might give the sick captive. 


It appears to us that the object of Dana and Miles, in chaining 
the feet of President Davis, under the poor pretext of rendering 
imprisonment more secure, was to humiliate not only the prisoner, 
but the people of the whole South, and to them the names of Dana 
and Miles will be ever linked with the infamy. Whenever they 
are mentioned, feelings akin to those aroused at the name of Cali- 
gula will fire the breasts of the proud descendants of the people of 
the conquered nation; and the act of chaining President Davis will 
be hated wherever honor lives. 

On the 28th day of May, 1865, Secretary Stanton required Miles 
to report "whether irons have or have not been placed on Jefferson 
Davis. If they have been, when it was done, and for what reason, 
and remove them." Miles replied: " * * that when Jeff Davis 
was first confined in the casemate the inner doors were light wooden 
ones, without locks. I directed anklets to be put upon his ankles, 
which would not interfere with his walking, but would prevent his 
running, should he endeavor to escape. In the meantime I have 
changed the wooden doors for grated ones with locks, and the ank- 
lets have been removed. Every care is taken to avoid any pretence 
of complaint, as well as to prevent the possibility of his escape." 

Prison Life of Jefferson Dams. 341 

Such was the flimsy excuse given by Miles when called to account 
for his cruelty by the iron-hearted Stanton. 


The health of Mr. Davis rapidly failed under the cruel treatment 
and severe mental strain. The chief medical officer, Dr. John J. 
Craven, on the 20th of August, 1865, reported that his general 
condition denoted a low state of the vital forces. After a long time 
the reports of his deplorable condition reached the ear of President 
Andrew Johnson, and on the 9th of May, 1866, he requested the 
Secretary of War to direct Surgeon G. E. Cooper to submit an 
early report respecting the health of Jefferson Davis. Dr. Cooper, 
after a special examination on the same day, reported as the result 
of the examination: 

"He is considerably emaciated, the fatty tissue having almost 
disappeared, leaving his skin much shriveled. His muscles are 
small, flaccid and very soft, and he has but little muscular strength. 
He is quite weak and debilitated; consequently his gait is becoming 
uneven and irregular. His digestive organs at present are in com- 
paratively good condition, but become quickly deranged under 
anything but the most, carefully prepared food. With a diet disa- 
greeing with him, dyspeptic symptoms promptly make their appear- 
ance, soon followed by vertigo, severe facial and cranial neuralgia, 
an erysipelatous inflamation of the posterior scalp and right side of 
the nose, which quickly affects the right eye (the only sound one 
he has) and extends through the nasal duct into the interior nose. 
His nervous system is greatly deranged, being prostrated and exces- 
sively irritable. Slight noises, which are scarcely perceptible to a 
man in robust health, cause him much pain, the description of the 
sensation being as of one flayed and having every sentient nerve 
exposed to the waves of sound. Want of sleep has been a great 
and almost the principal cause of his nervous excitability. This 
has been produced by the tramp of the creaking boots of the sen- 
tinels on post round the prison room, and the relieval of the guard 
at the expiration of every two hours, which almost invariably awak- 
ens him. 


" Prisoner Davis states that he has scarcely enjoyed over two 
hours of sleep unbroken at one time since his confinement. Means 
have been taken by placing matting on the floor for the sentinels to 

342 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

walk to alleviate this source of disturbance, but with only partial 
success. His vital condition is low, and he has but little recupera- 
tive force. Should he be attacked with any of the severe forms of 
disease to which the Tidewater region of Virginia is subject, I, with 
reason, fear the result. ' ' 


The comments of the press quite excited General Miles, and he, 
in a confidential communication to the Assistant Adjutant-General, 
said: "* * * I regret to say that I think Surgeon Cooper is 
entirely under the influence of Mr. and Mrs. Davis, the former of 
whom has the happy faculty that a strong mind has over a weaker to 
mould it to agree with its views and opinions. Surgeon Coopers 
wile is a secessionist and one of the F. F. V.'s of this State. He 
is exceedingly attentive to Mrs. Davis, escorting her to Norfolk and 
back, and yesterday he had a private interview with Davis and 
Messrs. O'Connor and Shea. To-day the four were together at the 
doctor's house." 

It is patent that this stab in the back was intended to misrepre- 
sent the intention of an honorable medical officer, who could be fair 
and just to a prisoner, so as to justify the vilefier's own despicable 
conduct. Public indignation not only spread over the whole South, 
but reached to such a degree in the North that the newspapers were 
emboldened to denounce the tortures of Jefferson Davis in scathing 


The New York World of May 24, 1866, in an editorial under that 
head, says: "It is no longer a matter of newspaper rumor that the 
treatment which Jefferson Davis has received during his incarcera- 
tion in Fortress Monroe, has been such as to break down his con- 
stitution and to put him, after twelvemonths of protracted suffering, 
in imminent peril of death. 

" Upon the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury the 
President of the United States recently ordered the post surgeon to 
make a careful and thorough examination of Mr. Davis' health. 
That report has been made and is now published. It cannot be 
read by any honorable and right-minded American, no matter what 
his sectional feelings or his political opinions may be, without a 
sickening sensation of shame for his country and a burning flush of 
indignation against the persons who have prostituted their official 

Prison Life of Jefferson Davis. 343 

position to inflict upon the American name an ineffaceable brand of 
disgrace by the wanton and wicked torture of an invalid lying a 
helpless prisoner in the strongest fortress of the Union. The re- 
port of Post Surgeon Cooper is all the more damning that it is per- 
fectly calm and formal in tone, and that it deals only with the strictly 
medical aspect of the investigation, which its author was ordered to 
make. We hear nothing, for example, from Surgeon Cooper of 
the stories which have been repeated over and over again, in all 
varieties of tone, but with singular consistency in the main details, 
by correspondence of all shades of opinion in regard to the petty 
insults heaped upon Jefferson Davis in the routine of his daily life. 


" The refusal by express military orders of the common courtesies 
and simplest decencies of life to a man who for four years wielded 
the resources of eleven belligerent States against the whole power 
of the Union, while it would be unspeakably disgraceful to the 
authorities perpetrating it, might be of very little consequence to 
the health or the spirits of .the captive at whom it was aimed. A 
man of strong and self-sustained character might be annoyed; in- 
deed, at finding himself in the hands of persecutors so paltry, but 
they would scarcely be able to disturb his digestion or his sleep. 
The American people, should the stories prove to be true, will have 
a serious account to settle with the functionaries who could thus mis- 
represent and belittle them in the eyes of Christendom and of history. 
But the crying result of Surgeon Cooper's report, the result of 
which demands the most prompt and emphatic expression possible 
of the popular indignation, if we are not to be written down all of 
us as accomplices in the vile transactions which it reveals, is this, 
that the health of Jefferson Davis, which was notoriously poor at 
the time of his capture, has been systematically broken down by a 
cruel and deliberate perseverance in applying to him one of the 
worst tortures known to humanity. Here are the fatal words in 
which the truth is told." Then quoting a part of Surgeon Cooper's 
report, which we have given above, the editor goes on to say: " In 
a very minute and horrible treatise on the tortures practiced by the 
Inquisition, an Italian writer tells us that a certain grand Inquisition 
at Rome, famous for skill at jangling God's work in the human 
body, pronounced this special form of torment to be ' the most ex- 
quisite and victorious of all he had ever essayed.' No picture in all 
the dread gallery of imperial madness and misery which Suetonius 

344 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

has bequeathed to us is so fearful as his portraiture of Caligula 
roaming through the vast halls of the palace of the Caesars night after 
night with bloodshot eyes, sleepless, and driven on by sleeplessness 
to insanity. And in what light are we, this triumphant American 
people of the nineteenth century, to appear before posterity weighted 
with the damning image of our most conspicuous enemy thus tied 
by us to the stake and tortured by us with worse than Indian tor- 
tures? We make and seek to make no party issues with any man 
or men on this matter. It is the honor, the humanity, the Chris- 
tianity, the civilization of the American republic which are involved. 


" Since the eloquent pen of Mr. Gladstone, near a score of years 
ago, concentrated the indignation of the civilized world upon the 
barbarous treatment inflicted by the Bourbon rulers of Naples upon 
Baron Poerio and his fellow-captives, there has been no such reve- 
lation as this of the brutality to which men may be tempted by 
political passion, and it is intolerable that the scandals of Ischia and 
San Elmo should be paralleled in the sacred name of liberty within 
the walls of Fortress Monroe. We abstain purposely from discuss- 
ing the nature and extent of the political offenses for which Jefterson 
Davis has thus been made to suffer, for we are so unwilling to be- 
lieve that any man can be found, even in the ranks of the most 
extreme radical party, who would dare import such a discussion into 
the case. Thaddeus Stevens could shock the moral sense of man- 
kind by demanding the ' penitentiary of hell ' for millions of his 
fellow-countrymen; but even Thaddeus Stevens, we prefer to think, 
would shrink from condensing that vast and inclusive anathema into 
the practical, downright torture of a single human being. When 
Lafayette was suffering the extremes of cruelty in the Austrian dun- 
geons of Olmutz, Edmund Burke, transported by a blind rage 
against the French revolution, could respond to an appeal in behalf 
of the injured and high-souled victim by exclaiming in his place in 
Parliament: ' I would not debase my humanity by supporting an 
application in behalf of such a horrid ruffian,' But is it for a mo- 
ment to be supposed that the most fanatical member of an American 
Congress, which assumes to itself a special philanthropy and sits in 
the year 1866, can be found to imitate the savage bigotry of an 
exasperated British royalist in the year 1794? 

Prison Life of Jefferson Davis. 345 


' ( If the members of the congressional majority at Washington are 
not weaker and more wicked men than the sternest of their political 
opponents would willingly believe them to be, they will compel a 
prompt exposure of the authors of this shameful thing — a prompt 
exposure and a punishment as prompt. 

" The President has done his duty in laying bare the facts, and will 
do his duty, we doubt not, in arresting at once and summarily this 
continuous outrage upon the national character. But we live in an 
epoch of congressional inquiries into national scandals and national 
rumors of all kinds, and the conscience of the country will hold the 
present Congress to a dread responsibility if it shirk or evade a duty 
more important to our national hono 1 : than any which it has as yet 


The exposure of Mr. Davis' condition and cruel treatment, and 
the severe arraignment of the authorities by the newspapers un- 
doubtedly caused the tyrants to relax their rigid hands and give the 
State prisoner more liberty as indicated by the following parole, 
dated Fortress Monroe, May 25, 1866: 

" For the privilege of being allowed the liberty of the grounds 
inside the walls of Fort Monroe between the hours of sunrise and 
sunset, I, Jefferson Davis, do hereby give my parole of honor that 
I will make no attempt to nor take any advantage of any opportunity 
that may be offered to effect my escape therefrom. 

"Jefferson Davis." 
"Witness: J. A. Fessenden, 

"First Lieutenant, Fifth Artillery." 

miles' "reward." 

On the 29th of August, 1866, the War Department issued an 
order relieving Miles of duty at Fortress Monroe, which he seemed 
to think was a reflection upon his conduct. He had been there 
during fifteen months of Mr. Davis' imprisonment, and desired to 
remain until the prisoner should be removed, so he requested to be 
allowed to remain a month longer, or until the 5th of October. He 
desired this slight consideration in justice to his reputation. The 
request was not granted, but he was made a colonel in the regular 

346 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

army, which, we presume, was balm enough for his wounded feel- 
ings from the public attacks on his conduct in cruelties to a helpless 

On Miles' retirement, General H. W. Burton assumed command 
of Fortress Monroe, and he seems to have been more considerate 
and humane to his State prisoner, for he was called to account by 
the War Department for permitting persons to visit Mr. Davis not 
specially authorized by it. 

The writ of habeas corpus for Mr. Davis was issued by the United 
States Circuit Court for the District of Virginia on the ist day of 
May, 1867, and under instructions from the War Department, Gen- 
eral H. W. Burton, on the 13th day of May, obeyed the writ and 
was released from the further custody of the ex- President of the 
Confederate States. 

Thus ended the imprisonment of the great and good man. 

Historic Waters of Virginia. 347 

[From the Richmond, Va., Times, Dec. 30, 1894.] 


The Battle in Hampton Roads as Viewed by an Eye 


An Interesting Paper— The Improvised Confederate Naval Fleet. 

By Ex=Qovernor WM. E. CAMERON. 

[See ante pp. 243-9, " The Ironclad Virginia" — Ed.] 

The outbreak of the war between the northern and southern 
sections of the United States at once invested every foot of the navi- 
gable waters of Virginia with strategic importance. The Federals 
retained their hold on Fortress Monroe, which, under the then ex- 
isting conditions of ordnance and of naval architecture, practically 
controlled the entrance to Chesapeake Bay and Hampton Roads, 
while heavy batteries at' Newport News, at the mouth of James 
river, prohibited communication by water between the Confederate 
forces at Richmond and Norfolk. The Confederates, on the other 
hand, mounted guns at Lovell's Point and Craney Island, to 
protect Norfolk, Portsmouth and the Gosport navy yard from hos- 
tile approach, and the passage to Richmond was obstructed against 
Federal marine by batteries at Fort Powhatan, Drewry's Bluff, 
Day's Neck, Hardin's Bluff, Mulberry Island, Jamestown and other 
defensible points on James river. 

Such was the situation of affairs in the early spring of 1862. The 
Federals had, however, made previous descent upon the coast of 
North Carolina with a powerful armada under General Burnside, 
and having captured Roanoke Island, after a gallant though hope- 
less resistance by the combined land and naval forces of General 
Henry A. Wise and Commodore Lynch, were making heavy de- 
monstrations at the back door of Norfolk, while General McClellan, 
having determined on a campaign against Richmond via the pen- 
insula, between the James and York rivers, was urging naval occu- 
pation of those streams as an essential protection to the flanks of 
an army executing that movement. 

348 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

To guard against the occupation of these waterways (as well as in 
prosecuting a cherished scheme in dominating the mouth of the 
Mother of Waters, destroying the Federal shipping in Hampton 
Roads, isolating and perhaps starving out the garrison at Fortress 
Monroe, and ultimately obtaining free ingress and egress via the 
capes for ships of war and commerce), the Confederates had spent 
the previous winter in fitting up at a captured navyyard a marine 
structure of such impervious strength and destructive armament as 
to justify the most extravagant hopes. For this purpose the United 
States steam frigate Merrimac, which had been abondoned by the 
Federals when they hastily evacuated the Elizabeth river, in April, 
1861, was utilized. She was cut down, heavily armored with rail- 
road iron laid on a stout and sloping deck roof, was provided with 
a steel snout or ram for offensive purposes and carried ten guns of 
a calibre hitherto unknown in naval warfare. She was rechristened 
the Virginia, and entered upon her brief but glorious career under 
the flag of Admiral Franklin Buchanan. Simultaneously the Con- 
federate government had improvised from the scant materials at 
hand what was known as the James river fleet — the Patrick Henry 
and Jamestown (formerly plying as freight and passenger steamers 
between New York and Richmond, and caught in Southern waters 
at the commencement of hostilities); the former under Commander 
John R. Tucker, carrying twelve guns of modern force; the latter 
under Lieutenat Barney, with a battery of two heavy pieces; and 
three tugs metamorphosed into gunboats and carrying a single gun 
each; the Teazer, the Beaufort and the Raleigh, commanded re- 
spectively by Lieutenants W. A. Webb, W. H. Parker and J. W. 
Alexander. Early in March these vessels made rendezvous at a 
harbor in the lower James, convenient for communication with Nor- 
folk, and on the 7th of that month the senior officer was notified to 
be in readiness for action on the following day — a day to be forever 
memorable in naval annals. 

The events are yet fresh in a mind which was filled with pride 
and enthusiasm while witnessing them, but in this attempt to repro- 
duce the leading features I shall verify and enlarge my recollections 
by liberal use of the official reports of the participants on either side 
of the heroic struggle. 

The night before the battle a whisper went through the scattered 
camps of Huger's Division, from Sewell's Point to Suffolk, like an 
electric shock: "The Virginia is going out to-morrow!" It was 
one of those secrets which telepathy betrays, and which once abroad 

Historic Waters of Virginia. 349 

take unto themselves the wings of the wind. The tidings found me 
serving a tour of guard duty on the entrenched line at Harrison's 
farm, east of Norfolk; but an eager petition to the colonel brought 
release, and long before dawn a trio of excited boys had reached 
Pig's Point and hired a boat with two stalwart oarsmen to convey 
them to an advantageous point of view. What hours of overwrought 
expectancy those were, while, with beating hearts and straining 
eyes, we waited for the onslaught of the marine monster upon her 
predestined victims! They seemed interminable. And yet the pic- 
ture spread before our eyes was fair enough to fill the interval with 
interest. The fair expanse of sparkling water was barely ruffled by 
the morning breeze, and off to the north the Federal shipping lay 
at anchor, with the red embankments of Newport News and the 
gray battlements of Fortress Monroe and the Rip- Raps as back- 
ground. The tall masts of the Congress and Cumberland stood 
out against the sky in bold relief, each cord of the complex rigging 
distinct in tracery, and the tiny bunting at their peaks dipping 
lazily at each undulation of the swinging hulls. Off Hampton bar 
there rose a forest of masts and smokestacks, among which the lofty 
spars of the Minnesota, the St. Laivrence and the Roanoke loomed 
grandly heavenward, while their great black sides dwarfed into in- 
significance the transports and smaller craft which lay around and 
about them. The scene was beautiful in its mere suggestion of re- 
pose; but off to the left, behind Day's Point, a thin line of smoke 
behind the trees hinted at elements of disturbance biding their time 
to brew a storm upon those peaceful waters, for there, like blood- 
hounds in leash, with beaks already turned towards their prey, with 
engines like angry hearts impatiently panting for the fray, were the 
lean racers of Tucker's squadron, on the lookout for the signal gun. 
■As time wore on all apprehension lest the enemy might have re- 
ceived notice of the impending attack, was dispelled by the contin- 
uing absence of stir on board their ships and within their lines on 
shore. Every movement on the former was plainly discernible 
through our field glasses, boats swinging alongside, or passing to 
and from the beach, while the sailors' "wash" floated in the ropes 
of the vessels, and the men lounged idly about the decks. On the 
plains behind the bluff at Newport News drills were in progresss 
among the troops, and we could follow with distinctness the exer- 
cises of a battery of artillery going through the mimicry of war. It 
must have been about high noon when symptoms of alarm first 
made themselves manifest on board the ships lying nearest to our 

350 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

station — the Cumberland and Congress. The neck of land forming 
Pinner's Point obstructed our line of vision, and the movements 
consequent upon preparation for an engagement were visible to us 
for some time before the Virginia hove in sight. It was an hour 
later when her ponderous form, majestic, though ungraceful, steamed 
circularly around the jutting headland of the Elizabeth, and headed 
directly towards the two detached Federal ships in the upper roads. 
Activity now prevailed in the shore batteries at Newport News, and 
in a little while curls of black smoke began to issue forth from the 
funnels of the Minnesota and her consorts. The Cumberland and 
Congress were kedged around to present something like a broad- 
side to the approaching antagonist, nearest in the path of which the 
Congress lay. After this I took no note of time; but General 
Mansfield commanding the port at Newport News, in his report to 
General Wool, says that it was just 2 o'clock when the Virgi?iia 
opened her bow gun. This was the signal for general engagement. 
The noise was terrific and the spectacle grand. Under fire of both 
the Federal frigates, several gunboats and of the numerus guns on 
the river bank, the Virginia steamed slowly but steadily on, return- 
ing the all-sided fusilade. with spirit, and suffering no apparent dam- 
age from the shot that rained incessantly against her armored ribs. 
Disregarding the Congress, except to fling her a disdainfnl bolt or 
two in passing, she glided (rather than ran), with terrible delibera- 
tion and precision down upon the predoomed Cumberland. Nearer 
and nearer she drew. The suspense was agonizing, though the ex- 
citement was intoxicating. " By G — d! " shouted one of the boat- 
men, " She is going to run her down! " And so it was. From 
every porthole on the starboard side of the Cumberland flashed the 
lightnings of a rapid cannonade, the missiles of which glanced from 
the turtleback of her adversary as hailstones from a hipped roof of 
metal. The gallant tars who served the batteries of the Cumber- 
land discharged an ineffective broadside at the very moment which 
sealed their fate. Then into the frail wooden walls crashed the ter- 
rible steel prow of the Virginia; the timbers were cut in twain as 
though of parchment, the tall ship reeled and staggered as a 
drunken man — and then went down, the heroic crew still at their 
posts, the colors flying, and the cannon still belching out defiance, 
even as the water engulfed their iron throats. Even after her hull 
had disappeared, the smothered echo of one gun was heard ming- 
ling with the cries of strong men in their agony. 

So absorbed had we become in this supreme tragedy that other 

Historic Waters of Virginia. 351 

stirring episodes were about to pass unnoticed. Deep-mouthed 
cannon away to the eastward were now braying their hoarse contri- 
butions to the terrible din. The steam frigates at Fortress Monroe 
were under way at last to give succor to their weaker consorts; 
there were the guns at Sewell's Foint throwing shot and shell in the 
pathway of the Minnesota and Roanoke, and in reply the giant 
ordnance at the Rip-Raps were lending deeper voice to the dis- 
cordant chorus. Just at this juncture the excited accents of one of 
my companions rose clear above the tumult of detonations and con- 

" What a glorious sight ! Just see the splendid fellows coming 
into action !" he exclaimed, at the same time tugging at my coat 
sleeve like mad. I turned, and it was indeed the sight of a life- 
time that met my gaze. Standing down the long open reach, under 
full head of steam, right into the pelting storm of missiles, dashed 
the five wooden vessels of the James River Squadron, Tucker lead- 
ing, in the Patrick Henry, closely followed by the Jamestown and 
the saucy little gunboats. Why they were not totally destroyed I 
did not then and do not now understand. Admiral Buchanan says 
that their escape was miraculous; for they sustained for several 
hours a galling fire of solid shot, shell, grape and canister, at close 
quarters; and the hull of each ship was perforated time and time 
again. It was particularly fine to see how Webb, with his mite of 
a Teaser, romped and frolicked in the very teeth of the enemy's 
batteries, while nothing could have exceeded the galjantry with 
which Parker and Alexander repeatedly came into the closest con- 
flict. The gallantry of all appeared to border on recklessness in 
the eye of an inexperienced spectator. By this time we had come 
to look upon the flagship as invulnerable, but watched with painful 
interest the bold manoevering of her comparatively unprotected 
consorts. Only the highest skill, in conjunction with superb cour- 
age, could have saved one or all of them from utter disaster. 

Meanwhile, amid the gathering smoke, the ill-starred Congress 
was still battling with a desperation worthy of success. It warms 
the blood yet, to remember how those American seamen fought in 
the very shadow of death against the inevitable. Harried and ha- 
rassed on every side by the nimbler of the Confederate ships, her- 
self a sailing craft, incapable of manoeuvering for offensive or 
defensive position, she was spared for yet a little while from direct 
attack by her most formidable antagonist. After sinking the Cum- 
berland, the Virginia' s heavy draught prevented a direct approach 

352 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

to the Congress. In several efforts to "turn upon her keel," she 
struck bottom. So much time was lost in the attempt to clear the 
shoal as to arouse our fears that she was fast aground. Finally, 
Admiral Buchanan was compelled to run the ship a short distance 
up James river in order to wind her. "During all this time," he 
says, " her keel was in the mud and she moved but slowly. Thus 
we were subjected twice to all the heavy guns of the shore batteries; 
but in the double passage inflicted much injury, having blown up a 
large transport steamer alongside the wharf at Newport News; sunk 
one schooner and captured another." In this period of respite, as 
we learned from prisoners after the fight, the crew of the Congress 
were under the impression that the Virginia was hauling off; and 
in this belief the ship's company assembled on the spar deck and 
gave three hearty cheers for their fancied victory. Alas for them! 
that hope was destined to extinguishment in the very moment of its 
indulgence. Gathering headway on her new course, the great iron- 
clad crept up to a position from which her guns raked the Congress 
with terrible effect. The smaller steamers redoubled their fire. 
Under this concentration of attack the ship soon became a wreck. 
Most of her guns were disabled; her decks were strewn with dead 
and wounded, the commanding officer had been stricken at his post. 
Again the trained eye of our boatman was the first to detect a 
crisis, and his eager voice the first to announce the end. He waved 
his battered hat toward the Congress with stentorian cheers, and 
through a rift in the sulphorous vapor even the unpracticed vision 
of landsmen could detect the absence of the strong ensign which 
lately floated over the ship. A second later a white flag streamed 
at their gaff and half-mast and another at the main. 

An incident ensued of which the writer could comprehend little 
at the time of its occurrence, but of which a better understanding 
than has yet been conveyed in print can be gathered by comparison 
of the contemporaneous Federal and Confederate reports. Imme- 
diately subsequent to the cessation of firing I saw the Beaufort ap- 
proach the Virginia, apparently for orders, and then dash under 
the side of the disabled enemy, followed later by the Raleigh. We 
looked for nothing further in that direction than formal completion 
of the surrender, and gave attention to the movements of the Min- 
nesota in the offing. The tugs left the wreck, and then an open 
boat from the Virginia was seen to pull across the intervening 
space; and then, to our surprise, the shore batteries reopened, the 
boat was recalled, and the Vitginia poured shot after shot into the 

Historic Waters of Virginia. 353 

hulk of the Congress. It was at this juncture that Admiral Buch- 
anan, fearlessly exposing himself on the roof of the Virginia, re- 
ceived the wound which cost him a limb, and which incapacitated 
him from further command. * * * Of this episode the Admiral, 
in his report to Secretary Mallory, says: 

"Determined that the Congress should not fall again into the 
hands of the enemy, I remarked to that gallant young officer, Lieu- 
tenant Minor, ' that the ship must be burned.' He promptly vol- 
unteered to take a boat and destroy her, and the Teaser, Lieutenant 
Webb, was ordered to cover the boat. Lieutenant Minor had 
scarcely approached within fifty yards of the boat when a deadly 
fire was opened upon him, wounding him severely and several of 
his men. On witnessing this vile treachery, I instantly recalled the 
boat and ordered the Congress to be demolished by hot shot and 
incendiary shell. About this period I was disabled and transferred 
the command of the ship to that gallant and intelligent officer, 
Lieutenant Catesby Jones, with orders to fight her as long as the 
men could stand to their guns." * * * 

An effort was made afterwards by Federal writers to convict Ad- 
miral Buchanan of wanton cruelty in firing upon a dismantled ship 
after the white flag had been hoisted, but the question is settled in 
his favor by the following extract from the report of General Mans- 
field, commanding the Federal forces at Newport News: 

" The enemy then sent two steamers to haul the Congress off or 
burn her. As soon as I saw this I ordered Colonel Brown, of the 
20th Indiana Regiment, to send two rifle companies to the beach, 
while two rifled guns and a Dahlgren howitzer went into action from 
a raking position on the beach. We here had them, at about 800 
yards, to advantage, and immediately they let go their hold on the 
Congress and moved out of range with much loss. They then en- 
deavored to approach her again with a steamer and rowboat, but 
were beaten off with severe punishment, until finally the Merrimac, 
finding her prize retaken, fired three shots into her and set her on 

This is conclusive, and needs no comment. The Congress may 
now be disposed of in a few words. Far into the night the heavens 
were illuminated by the reflection from the blazing timbers, while 
from time to time, as the heat penetrated to her hold, her shotted 
guns were discharged. Her career closed towards the morning of 
the 9th, when, with a deafening report, her magazine exploded. 

354 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

It was now past 4 o'clock. The Confederate fleet steamed off to- 
wards Fortress Monroe, and after that our personal observation was 
unworthy of note. The Minnesota grounded in the north channel, 
where, by reason of the receding tide, the Virginia could not win 
a near approach, but the smaller steamers of the Confederate fleet 
got within effective range and inflicted, says Secretary Welles, con- 
siderable damage on that ship. Lieutenant Jones says of the latter 
operations that " the pilots having declared it to be unsafe to remain 
longer near the middle shoal, we returned by the south channel, and 
again had an opportunity of opening upon the Minnesota, receiving 
her heavy fire in return, and shortly afterwards upon the Si. Law- 
rejice, from which vessel several broadsides were received. It had 
by this time become dark, and we soon afterwards anchored off 
Sewell's Point. The rest of the squadron followed the movements 
of the Virgi?iia, except the Beaufort, which proceeded to Norfolk 
with the wounded and prisoners." 

The Federal losses in the day's brilliant work have already been 
recited. The Confederates won their success cheaply, all things 
being considered. Early in the action a solid shot perforated the 
boiler of the Patrick Henry, scalding four persons to death and 
wounding four others. The ship was turned out of action by the 
Jamestown, but the damages were soon repaired, when the ship re- 
turned to her station and did splendid service during the remainder 
of the day. The Raleigh was also forced to temporary retirement 
by the disabling of the carriage of her single gun, but she, too, was 
soon again on duty. The Virginia was practically uninjured, except 
for the loss of her ram, and was ready at dawn of the coming day 
to take part in that remarkable conflict with the Monitor, which will 
form the subject of my next paper. 

Wm. E. Cameron. 

Last Salute of Army of Northern Virginia. 355 

[From the Boston Journal, May, 1901.J 


Details of the Surrender of General Lee at Appomattox 
Courthouse, April gth, 1865. 


By General J. L. Chamberlain. 

It is an astounding fact that among the thousands of official doc- 
uments bearing upon the Civil war in the National Archives at 
Washington there is absolutely nothing dealing with one of the most 
dramatic features of the great four years' internal struggle — the 
actual ceremonies attendant upon the formal surrender by General 
Lee's army of all Confederate property in their possession at Appo- 
mattox Courthouse thirty-six years ago. 

When General Lee surrendered to General Grant, April 9th, 
1865, the war was virtually over, but of the details of the surrender, 
the pathetic sadness on the one side, the jubilant satisfaction on the 
other, and, more particularly of the precise arrangements, the mode 
of procedure and the Northern army officer whose duty it became 
to take charge of the rebel arms and the rebel battleflags as they 
were given up — of all this our official war records tell not a word. 

Why this is so the chief actor in the closing scene of the bloody 
drama, General Joshua L. Chamberlain, of Brunswick, Me., set forth 
in a pithy sentence to a Boston Journal writer the other night: 
" The war was over when Lee signed the terms of surrender, and 
with the closing of the war all official record-writing ceased." 

And just as it is true that there are no official records bearing 
upon this notable surrender scene, so also is it true that there are 
no official records describing the really remarkable disbandment of 
the Southern military and its departure in fragments for home. 
Only recently, in fact, has this matter been treated of, and that by 
a magazine almost four decades after the event ! 

Truly, some of the most absorbing history is, in the minting, 
slow quite beyond belief. Passing strange it seems almost that upon 
a writer of a generation which has no intimate connection with the 
Civil war should devolve the not unpleasant, nor in the light of facts, 

356 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

ill timed, task of setting down in complete detail that story which 
long ago should have had a full official telling. 

In that great national tragedy of the Civil war there has been for 
years much effort, always in a more or less unostentatious and se- 
cretive way, to eliminate the merit which was due to prominent 
actors. It has been said recurrently that officers other than the ac- 
tual one who commanded on the impressive occasion, and, to cite one 
case, a general officer, who, from 1863, was never connected with 
the Army of the Potomac, was frequently banqueted and toasted 
as the soldier who received the surrender of General Robert 
E. Lee. This was, to be sure, an unfair acceptance, but it was ac- 
cepted in silence, and even at later times assented to in subsequent 
remarks. But, be it said, such pretense of merit deserves and 
surely ought to receive the censure of every loyal comrade. 

The man who did command the Union soldiery that stood im- 
movable for hours near Appomattox Courthouse on that eventful 
day while Rebel arms and colors nodded "conquered" has never 
sounded in public or in private his own acclaim. Major-General 
Joshua L. Chamberlain, of Maine, he was in the old days, and still 
he bears that honorable title. 

As a conspicuous New Englander whose life has been an integral 
part of the educational history of his beloved Pine Tree State, 
which he has represented as Governor, as one of the legislators, as 
President of Bowdoin College, and particularly as a soldier, his long 
and eventful life has come to be well known to the people of the 
entire country — his life excepting that part he played in the last act 
of the war. 

This is somewhat in detail the entire story as summarized by 
General Chamberlain: 

"The Battle of Five Forks, which occurred on the 1st of April, 
1865, served to prove to General Grant the fact which General 
* Phil ' Sheridan had advanced that the cutting of railroad lines be- 
tween Petersburg and the South had made exceedingly difficult, if 
not practically impossible, the provisioning of the Confederate 
army, and that the departure of that command and its march to- 
ward Lynchburg might soon be expected. 

"The victory of Fire Forks was so complete in every way as to 
wholly paralyze General Lee's plan for further delay, and it is not 
too much to say that the decison was at once made for the western 
movement of the Army of Northern Virginia toward a new supply 

Last Salute of Army of Northern Virginia. 357 

The battle of Sailor's Creek, with Ewell's surrender, and that of 
Farmville, followed quickly after, the Confederates being hard 
pressed on their left flank, and for them there was little rest owing 
to the continual hounding by Sherman's forces which seemed quite 
eager for constant combat. 

" The Fifth Army Corps had been detailed to work with Sheri- 
dan's cavalry division. The subsequent relief of General Warren 
is a matter of history, which there is no need of repeating. 

" General Griffin succeeded to command, and aided by the 6th, 
the 2d, and portions of the Army of the James, with other corps as 
fast as they could get to the scene, the military movements of that 
time form some of the most absorbing chapters of the Civil war which 
history has placed on record. Since the approach to Appomattox 
— for a hundred miles or more along this stream there had been ter- 
rible fighting — brought the head of each army very frequently in 
view, the strange spectacle of one army pressing with all energy in 
pursuit, while its antagonist was using its best efforts to get away 
and reach its delayed base of supplies, was presented to both sides. 

" On the terrible march to Appomattox Courthouse the Federal 
troops were ever shrouded in smoke and dust, and the rattle of fire- 
arms and the heavy roar of artillery told plainly of the intense scene 
which threatened to bring on yet one more general engagement. 

"Then came a moment which to me, at least, was more thrilling 
than any that had gone before. As we were hurrying on in response 
to Sheridan's hastily scribbled note for aid, an orderly with still an- 
other command from ' Little Phil ' came upon our bedraggled col- 
umn, that of the ist Division of the Fifth Army Corps, just as we 
were passing a road leading into the woods. In the name of Sher- 
idan I was ordered to turn aside from the column of march, without 
waiting for orders through the regular channels, and to get to his 

" The orderly said in a voice of greatest excitement that the Con- 
federate infantry was pressing upon Sheridan with a weight so ter- 
rible that his cavalry alone could not long oppose it. 

"I turned instantly into the side road by which the messenger 
had come, and took up the 'double-quick,' having spared just time 
enough to send to General Gregory an order to follow me with his 

" In good season we reached the field where the fight was going 
on. Our cavalry had even then been driven to the very verge of the 
field by the old 'Stonewall' Corps. Swinging rapidly into action 

358 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

the first line was sent forward in partial skirmish order, followed by 
the main lines, the ist and 2d brigades. Once, for some unknown 
reason, I was ordered back, but in the impetuosity of youth and the 
heat of conflict, I pushed on, for it seemed tome to be a momentous 
hour. We fought like demons across that field and up that brist- 
ling hill. They told us we would expose ourselves to the full fire 
of the Confederate artillery once we gained the crest, but push on 
we did, past the stone wall behind which the ' Stonewall Corps ' 
had hidden, driving them back to the crest of the ridge, down over 
it, and away. 

"We were gathering our forces for a last final dash upon the 
enemy. From the summit of the hill we could see on the opposite 
ridge a full mile across the valley the dark blotches of the Confed- 
erate infantry drawn up in line of battle; the blocks of cavalry 
further to our right, and lower down more cavalry, detached, run- 
ning hither and thither as if uncertain just what to do. 

" In the valley, where flowed the now narrow Appomattox, along 
whose banks we had fought for weary miles, was a perfect swarm of 
moving men, animals, and wagons, wandering apparently aimlessly 
about, without definite precision. The river sides were trodden to 
a muck by the nervous mass. It was a picture which words can 
scarce describe. 

"As we looked from our position we saw of a sudden a couple 
of men ride out from the extreme left of the Confederate line, and 
even as we looked the glorious white of a flag of truce met our 
vision. At that time, having routed the Confederate forces on the 
hill, my brigade was left alone by Sheridan's cavalry, which had 
gone to the right to take the enemy in the flank. 

" I was on the right of the line as we stood at the crest of the 
hill. Near by us was the red Maltese cross of the Hospital Corps, 
and straight toward this the two riders, one with the white flag, 

" When the men arrived, the one who carried the flag drew up be- 
fore me, and, saluting with a rather stiffair — it was a strained occasion 
— informed me that he had been sent to beg a cessation of hostilities 
until General Lee could be heard from. Lee was even then said to 
be making a wide detour in the hope of attacking our forces from 
the rear. The officer who bore the flag was a member of the Con- 
federate General Gordon's staff, but the message came to me in the 
name of General Longstreet. 

"At that time the command had devolved upon General Ord, 

Last Salute of Army of Northern Virginia. 359 

and I informed the officer with the flag — which was, by the way, a 
towel of such cleanliness that I was then, as now, amazed that such 
a one could be found in the entire Rebel army — that he must needs 
proceed along to our left, where General Ord was stationed. With 
another abjectedly stiff salute the officer with his milk-white banner 
galloped away down our line. 

' ' It was subsequently learned that General Ord was situated some 
distance away at my left with his troops of the Army of the James, 
comprising Gibbon's Second Army Corps and a division of the 
Twenty-fifth Army Corps. His line quite stretched across the 
Lynchburg road, or ' pike,' as we called it then. 

" Well, as I have said, the flag of truce was sent to Ord, and not 
long afterward came the command to cease firing. The truce lasted 
until 4 o'clock that afternoon. At that time our troops had just 
barely resumed the positions they had originally occupied when the 
flag came in. They were expecting momentarily to be attacked 
again, and were well prepared, yes, eager, for a continuance of the 

"And just then the glad news came that General Lee had sur- 
rendered. Shortly after that we saw pass before us that sturdy 
Rebel leader, accompanied by an orderly. He was dressed in the 
brilliant trappings of a Confederate army officer, and looked every 
inch the soldier that he was. A few moments after that our own 
beloved leader, General Grant, also accompanied by an orderly, 
came riding by. How different he was in appearance from the 
conquered hero. The one gay with the trappings of his army, the 
other wearing an open blouse, a slouch hat, trousers tucked into 
heavy, mud-stained boots, and with only the four tarnished golden 
stars to indicate his office ! They passed us by and went to the 
house where were arranged the final terms of surrender. That 
work done neither leader staid long with his command, the one 
hurrying one way, the other another. 

" That night we slept as we had not slept in four years. There 
was, of course, a great deal of unrestrained jubilation, but it did 
not call for much of that to be a sufficiency, and before long the 
camp over which peace after strife had settled was sleeping with no 
fear of a night alarm. We awoke next morning to find the Con- 
federates peering down into our faces, and involuntarily reached for 
our arms, but once the recollections of the previous day's stirring 
events came crowding back to mind, all fear fled, and the boys in 

360 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

blue were soon commingling freely with the boys in gray, exchang- 
ing compliments, pipes, tobacco, knives and souvenirs." 

In the last days of fighting, which ended in Lee's surrender, Gen- 
eral Chamberlain was wounded twice. That his service was gallant 
in the extreme may be judged when it is. told that both General 
Sheridan and General Grant commended him personally. This the 
General cared to dwell on but little. But when it came to describing 
the final scenes of the war, the gray-haired army leader grew ardent 
with enthusiasm for his subject: 

li On that night, the ioth of April, in 1865, I was commanding 
the 5th Army Corps," he said. " It was just about midnight when 
a message came to me to report to headquarters. 

" I went thither directly and found assembled in the tent two of 
the three senior officers whom General Grant had selected to super- 
intend the paroles and to look after the transfer of property and to 
attend to the final details of General Lee's surrender. These were 
General Griffin of the 5th Army Corps and General Gibbon of the 
24th. The other commissioner, General Merritt of the cavalry, was 
not there. The articles of capitulation had been signed previously 
and it had come to the mere matter of formally settling the details 
of the surrender. The two officers told me that General Lee had 
started for Richmond, and that our leader, General Grant, was well 
on his way to his own headquarters at City Point, so called, in Vir- 
ginia. I was also told that General Grant had decided to have a 
formal ceremony with a parade at the time of laying down of arms. 
A representative body of Union troops was to be drawn up in battle 
array at Appomattox Courthouse, and past this Northern delegation 
were to march the entire Confederate Army, both officers and men, 
with their arms and colors, exactly as in actual service, and to lay 
down these arms and colors, as well as whatever other property be- 
longed to the Rebel army, before our men. 

" I was told, furthermore, that General Grant had appointed me 
to take charge of this parade and to receive the formal surrender 
of the guns and flags. Pursuant to these orders, I drew up my 
brigade at the courthouse along the highway leading to Lynchburg. 
This was very early on the morning of the 12th of April. 

1 ' The Confederates were stationed on the hill beyond the valley 
and my brigade, the 3rd, had a position across that valley on another 
hill, so that each body of soldiers could see the other. My men 
were all veterans, the brigade being that which had fired the first 
shot at Yorktown at the beginning of the war. Their banners were 

Last Salute of Army of Northern Virginia. 361 

inscribed with all the battles of the army of the Potomac from the 
first clear through the long list down to the last. 

" In the course of those four eventful years the makeup of the 
brigade had naturally changed considerably, for there had been not 
alone changes of men, but consolidations of regiments as well. Yet 
the prestige of that history made a remarkably strong esprit du 

" In that Third Brigade line there were regiments representing 
the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Pennsylvania, 
regiments which had been through the entire war. The Bay State 
veterans had the right of line down the village street. This was 
the 32d Massachusetts Regiment, with some members of the 9th, 
18th, and 22d Regiments. Next in order came the First Maine 
Sharpshooters, the 20th Regiment, and some of the 2d. There 
were also the First Michigan Sharpshooters, the 1st and 16th Reg- 
iments, and some men of the 4th. Pennsylvania was represented 
by the 83d, the 91st, the 118th, and the 155th. In the other two 
brigades were: First Brigade, 198th Pennsylvania, and 185th New 
York; in the Second Brigade, the 187th, 188th, and 189th New 

"The First and Second Brigades were with me then, because I 
had previously commanded them and they had been very courte- 
ously sent me at my request by my corps and division commanders. 

"The arrangement of the soldiery was as follows: The Third 
Brigade on one side of the street in line of battle; the Second, 
known as Gregory's, in the rear, and across the street, facing the 
Third; the First Brigade also in line of battle. 

" Having thus formed, the brigades standing at 'order arms,' the 
head of the Confederate column, General Gordon in command, and 
the old ' Stonewall ' Jackson Brigade leading, started down into the 
valley which lay between us, and approached our lines. With my 
staff I was on the extreme right of the line, mounted on horseback, 
and in a position nearest the Rebel solders who were approaching 
our right. 

" Ah, but it was a most impressive sight, a most striking picture, 
to see that whole army in motion to lay down the symbols of war 
and strife, that army which had fought for four terrible years after a 
fashion but infrequently known in war. 

"At such a time and under such conditions I thought it eminently 
fitting to show some token of our feeling, and I therefore instructed 

862 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

my subordinate officers to come to the position of ' salute ' in the 
manual of arms as each body of the Confederates passed before us. 

"It was not a 'present arms,' however, not a 'present,' which 
then as now was the highest possible honor to be paid even to a 
president. It was the 'carry arms,' as it was then known, with 
musket held by the right hand and perpendicular to the shoulder. 
I may best describe it as a marching salute in review. 

" When General Gordon came opposite me I had the bugle blown 
and the entire line came to 'attention,' preparatory to executing 
this movement of the manual successively and by regiments as Gor- 
don's columns should pass before our front, each in turn. 

"The General was riding in advance of his troops, his chin 
drooped to his breast, downhearted and dejected in appearance 
almost beyond description. At the sound of that machine like 
snap of arms, however, General Gordon started, caught in a mo- 
ment its significance, and instantly assumed the finest attitude of a 
soldier. He wheeled his horse facing me, touching him gently with 
the spur, so that the animal slightly reared, and as he wheeled, 
horse and rider made one motion, the horse's head swung down with 
a graceful bow, and General Gordon dropped his swordpoint to his 
toe in salutation. 

" Byword of mouth General Gordon sent back orders to the rear 
that his own troops take the same position of the manual in the 
march past as did our line. That was done, and a truly imposing 
sight was the mutual salutation and farewell. 

"At a distance of possibly twelve feet from our line, the Confed- 
erates halted and turned face towards us. Their lines were formed 
with the greatest care, with every officer in his appointed position, 
and thereupon began the formality of surrender. 

" Bayonets were affixed to muskets, arms stacked, and cartridge 
boxes unslung and hung upon the stacks. Then, slowly and with 
a reluctance that was appealingly pathetic, the torn and tattered 
battleflags were either leaned against the stacks or laid upon the 
ground. The emotion of the conquered soldiery was really sad to 
witness. Some of the men who had carried and followed those 
ragged standards through the four long years of strife, rushed, re- 
gardless of all discipline, from the ranks, bent about their old flags, 
and pressed them to their lips with burning tears. 

"And it can well be imagined, too, that there was no lack of 
emotion on our side, but the Union men were held steady in their 
lines, without the least show of demonstration by word or by mo- 

Last Salute of Army of Northern Virginia. 363 

tion. There was, though, a twitching of the muscles of their faces, 
and, be it said, their battle-bronzed cheeks were not altogether dry. 
Our men felt the import of the occasion, and realized fully how they 
would have been affected if defeat and surrender had been their lot 
after such a fearful struggle. 

" Nearly an entire day was necessary for that vast parade to pass. 
About 27,000* stands of arms were laid down, with something like a 
hundred battleflags; cartridges were destroyed, and the arms loaded 
on cars and sent off to Wilmington. 

" Every token of armed hostility was laid aside by the defeated 
men. No officer surrendered his side arms or horse, if private prop- 
erty, only Confederate property being required, according to the 
terms of surrender, dated April 9, 1865, and stating that all arms, 
artillery, and public property were to be packed and stacked and 
turned over to the officer duly appointed to receive them. 

"And right here I wish to correct again that statement so often 
attributed to me, to the effect that I have said I received from the 
hands of General Lee on that day his sword. Only recently, at a 
banquet in Newtown, Mass., of the Katahdin Club, composed of 
sons and daughters of my own beloved State, it was said in press 
dispatches that a letter had been read from me in which I made the 
claim that I had received Lee's sword. I never did make that 
claim even, as I never did receive that sword. 

"As I have said, no Confederate officer was required or even 
asked to surrender his side arms if they were his personal property. 
As a matter of fact, General Lee never gave up his sword, although, 
if I am not mistaken, there was some conference between General 
Grant and some of the members of his staff upon that very subject 
just before the final surrender. I was not present at that confer- 
ence, however, and only know of it by hearsay. 

"But, as I was saying, every token of armed hostility having 
been laid aside, and the men having given their words of honor that 
they would never serve again against the flag, they were free to go 
whither they would and as best they could. In the meantime our 
army had been supplying them with rations. On the next morning, 
however, the morning of the 13th, we could see the men, singly or 
in squads, making their way slowly into the distance, in whichever 
direction was nearest home, and by nightfall we were left there at 
Appomattox Courthouse lonesome and alone." 

* Reference may be made as to this statement to " Paroles of the Army of Northern 
Virginia " Vol XV, So. Hist. So. Papers, p. xxvii communication of General Lee to 
Prest. Davis: On the morning of the 9th, according to the reports of the ordnance 
officers, there were 7,892 organized infantry with arms.— Ed. 

364 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

From the Richmond Dispatch May 20, 1901.] 


An Interesting Chapter in Confederate History. 


The Story of the Proposed Cession of Louisiana to France Exploded— 
An Interview With the Emperor- Foreign Aid and Slavery. 

The following throws interesting light on an incident of Confed- 
erate history, which has been greatly distorted: 

Villa Jessie, Cannes, France, April 17, J901. 
General Marcus J. Wright : 

My Dear General, — I enclose the narrative of my journey to 
France in 1865, intended to refute the suggestions of the Washing- 
ton Post, and beg that you will kindly, in defence of the honor of 
President Jefferson Davis, General Kirby Smith, and my own self, 
give my explanations the widest publicity. You will observe that 
on page 6 I gave the military rank of Governor Allen as colonel, 
written in pencil; the reason is that I do not remember whether he 
was then colonel or general, and I wish you would kindly correct 
the rank and the initials to his name. Had I been able to refer to 
clippings and memoranda notes I could have supplied more precise 

I hope you received my telegram of 2d instant, worded: "Will 
answer your letter, meanwhile I deny emphatically suggestion of 
Washington Post." 

Should you be able to find in print the speech of Hon. Jefferson 
Davis, to which I allude, please substitute the exact wording into 
my manuscript. 

Hoping that you will do me the favor of acknowledging the re- 
ceipt of my manuscript, believe me, my dear General, ever your 


J. C. Polignac. 

The letter was printed in the Washington Post, and is reproduced 

Polignac's Mission. 365 


In two editorials of the Washington Post, March 14 and 19, 1901, 
the suggestion is made and repeated that toward the close of the 
war of secession, in 1S65, I was sent to Europe by President Jeffer- 
son Davis on an important mission, the object of which was to offer 
to the Emperor of the French a retrocession of the State of Lou- 
isiana in exchange for armed intervention on behalf of the Confed- 

This startling discovery was intended to fill a gap in history, and 
I wonder that even the love of fiction inherent to mankind could 
have led any minds so far astray as to give the slightest attention, 
far less attach any credence, to a wild, sensational suggestion the 
offspring of an overfertile imagination. 

The plain truth is that I had no mission at all, or, if for want of 
another word it must needs be called so, its conception involved no- 
body but myself. The genesis of it and its development are set 
forth in the following narrative: 

After the successful issue of the Louisiana campaign in 1864, 
there being no prospects of a speedy renewal of hostilities, and the 
division I then commanded being in the highest state of efficiency, 
it occurred to me that I might do some good by conveying informa- 
tion abroad. Letters which I received about that: time having 
strengthened this opinion, I repaired to Shreveport in the winter of 
1865, and suggested to General Kirby Smith the advisability of 
granting me a six months' leave of absence for the purpose of going 
abroad and of availing myself of the curiosity and interest which 
the presence of an active participant in the great struggle now going 
on could not fail to awaken in foreign parts, in order to awaken sym- 
pathy with the Southern cause. Nor was my purpose as vague and 
indefinite as might appear thus far. There was one circumstance 
which gave it substantiality — one man who was, so to say, the pivot 
of my self-imposed task. This man was not the Emperor of the 
French, far less Lord Palmerston, but the Duke of Morny, an in- 
timate confidant and devoted friend of the Emperor. As a states- 
man, he was credited with some shrewdness-practical, self-possessed, 
as devoid of enthusiasm as free from prejudice. I had some ac- 
quaintance with him. I had met him privately several times before 
leaving France. I had introduced to him one of the delegates 
whom, at an early stage of the conflict, some of the Southern States 

366 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

had sent abroad (I believe it was the delegate from South Carolina), 
and I had noticed on every occasion his readiness to receive infor- 
mation and the unbiased, practical view he took of the conflict. 
With him I could talk without hindrance. I could see him privately, 
informally. He could listen to me day after day without in any 
manner committing his government, ask any questions he liked, 
and elicit every information more freely from a mere eye-witness 
bearing no credentials than he could from an authorized represen- 
tative of the Confederate government. Here, then, was an advan- 
tage which I intended to turn to account during a temporary 
absence from the field. 

General H. W. Allen, an accomplished gentleman and distin- 
guished officer, still suffering from a wound received in the field, was 
then Governor of Louisiana. I enjoyed his friendship and confi- 
dence. He honored me with his esteem, and had lately offered me 
a presentation sword in the name of the State of Louisiana. To 
him I also imparted my purpose, and the question was fully dis- 
cussed in all its bearings between him, General Kirby Smith and 
myself. It is true that as to the intrinsic nature and merits of the 
conflict I could only repeat what others had said before, yet both 
Governor Allen and General Kirby Smith concurred in the opinion 
that my acquaitance with the Duke de Morny was an interesting 
feature, which I might well try to turn to good account during a 
period of anticipated calm, in which my presence among my troops 
did not appear of absolute necessity. None of us three were over 
sanguine about the result of my undertaking, and in our wildest 
flights of fancy never looked to an armed intervention as within the 
range of human possibilities; but it did not seem impossible to ob- 
tain a modification of a sham neutrality, which worked entirely in 
favor of the North, to which a stream of mercenaries from all parts 
of the world was constantly flowing, and to secure something like 
equal treatment to the Confederate States, especially as regarded 
their navy. French commercial interests, I well knew, made the 
mercantile world lean toward the South, and, in fact, it is difficult 
for me even now to comprehend how England and France could, 
from the first, submit to a mere paper blockade, in direct opposition 
to some of their most important commercial and manufacturing in- 
terests, when they might have set it aside by a mere stroke of the 
pen, without probably ever firing a gun over it. 

My journey was, after due consideration, finally decided on. In 
order to give more weight to my presence abroad I asked General 

Poligimtc's Mission. 367 

Kirby Smith to allow my chief-of-staff, Major T. C. Moncure, to 
accompany me; and Governor Allen said he would avail himself of 
this opportunity to write a letter to the Emperor of France, of which 
his aide-de-camp, Colonel Ernest Miltenberger, should be the 
bearer. It lay within the sphere of authority of General Kirby 
Smith to grant Major Moncure and myself a leave of absence of 
six months. Neither the chief of the War Department nor Presi- 
dent Davis had to be consulted in the matter, and in point of fact 
they were not. 

I did not read the letter which Governor Allen wrote, and, there- 
fore, cannot speak de visit of its contents, but in a letter addressed 
to the editor of the Washington Post, bearing date Washington, 
March 16th, and published in that paper under the heading, " Lost 
Chapter in History," I note the passage: 

" A paper was prepared, which I read, to be presented to Napo- 
leon III, quoting the third article of the treaty of Paris, ceding Lou- 
isiana to the United States," etc., etc. 

There was no other paper prepared than Governor Allen's letter, 
and since the correspondent of the Washington Post has read it, he 
knows as well as I do that it contained no such bargain as that sug- 
gested by the Washington Post — viz., the retrocession of Louisiana 
to France in return for armed intervention, nor does he assert it 

I have said that I enjoyed Governor Allen's confidence. This is 
not a mere commonplace sentence. In fact, before our departure, 
Governor Allen imparted to me a scheme of his of a somewhat sur- 
prising nature, and which, at the time, might well have borne the 
stamp, "Confidential." I shall disclose it further on, and it will 
serve to dispose of some other assertions of a speculative character 
which have appeared in the Washington Post. Meanwhile, I go 
on with my narrative. 

Having no memorandum notes at my disposal at the time I write, 
I cannot give precise dates, but I believe it was in March, 1865, 
that Colonel E. Miltenberger, Major Moncure, and myself left 
Shreveport on what may have appeared a special mission of some 
kind. Of us three, Colonel E. Miltenberger alone was invested 
with an official character, confined, however, to the State of Lou- 
isiana, not emanating from the Confederacy as an aggregate of 

Our path lay through the breadth of Texas, and the news of my 

368 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

passage having preceded me, I was met at every stage of our journey 
by a deputation of citizens, who came to welcome me; nor was I 
allowed to settle any hotel bill, but everywhere was received and 
considered as the guest of the State. In recalling these incidents, 
I am only impelled by the desire of conveying to the State of Texas 
my deep and lasting sense of gratitude for the well-remembered 
and highly-appreciated courtesy extended me on that occasion. 

We travelled by stage coach and our progress was slow. At 
length we reached Matamoras, where we crossed the Rio Grande 
into Mexican territory. Here we had to wait for steamer to take 
us to Havana, and at the latter place another delay occurred, when 
finally we were able to embark on board a Spanish ship, one of a 
line of steamers plying between Havana and Cadiz, which port we 
reached after a stormy passage of at least fourteen days. 

From Cadiz we went on to Madrid, partly by stage coach. From 
Madrid, however, we could travel on by rail to Bordeaux and Paris. 

On the last day of our journey, in looking over a newspaper, the 
first news that met my eye was that of the Duke de Moray's death. 
It seemed like the irony of fate that the fulcrum— so to speak — of 
my efforts should fail me just as I was reaching my destination. 
From that moment I knew that whatever sympathy I might meet 
with it could lead to no practical results. I did not even seek an 
audience from the Emperor. But it happened that among the for- 
mer friends and acquaintances who, on the news of my return, 
hastened to meet me, there was an officer of the French army, Major 
De Vatry, half-brother to the then Duke of Elchingen, a descend- 
ant of the famous Marshal Ney, at that time on the Emperor's mili- 
tary staff. He was very anxious to secure an interview for me, 
which he did without difficulty, the Emperor having as he informed 
me, expressed at once his perfect willingness to receive me. 

I had thus an informal audience, not obtained through the regular 
official channel, and was received by the Emperor with the greatest 
courtesy. He bade me sit opposite him, and during the conversa- 
tion which ensued, evinced much interest in the progress of the war, 
made many remarks on details connected with the operations in the 
field; but the political side of the contest was never touched upon. 
All I could do was to assure him that the people of the South were 
determined to fight to the last in defense of the political doctrine of 
State rights handed to them as an heirloom by their forefathers, and 
that in doing so they were upholding the principles of Washington, 
and of other founders of the first Union of States established with 

Polignac's Mission. 369 

the aid of the French nation. To this the Emperor made no reply. 
In taking- leave of him I asked permission to introduce an aid-de- 
camp of the Governor of Louisiana, the bearer of a letter to him. 
The Emperor hesitated a moment, asking- (I well remember his 
words) : ' ' Que me dit il dons cette leth'e f ' ' (What does he tell me 
in that letter ?) I replied that I had not read the letter, but that it 
surely recalled the fact that Louisiana had originally been a French 
settlement, adding- that the ties of blood had ever since kept alive 
a natural sympathy with France among the descendants of the first 
settlers. The Emperor granted my request, but more I think from 
courtesy to me than from any other motive, for it struck me at the 
time how guarded he had become the moment we approached 
the boundary of official grounds. However, the next day I intro- 
duced Colonel Miltenberger. He handed Governor Allen's letter 
to the Emperor, who. without opening it, laid it on a table near him. 
He received us standing and our conversation lasted only a few 

This was my last interview with the Emperor. The news of Gen- 
eral Lee's surrender reached us almost immediately afterward, and 
the briefness of the interval would itself suffice to disprove the alle- 
gations contained in the first editorial of the Washington Post on 
"A Lost Chapter of History" (March 14, 1 901), from which I quote 
the following extract: 

"At all events, Polignac, accompanied by Moncure, went to Paris 
— via Galveston, we think — and though their mission was barren of re- 
sult so far as concerned the Confederacy, it leaked out when Moncure 
returned, that Louis Napoleon had frequently consulted with Lord 
Palmerston and that so far from refusing to consider the proposition 
at all — whatever it may have been — the latter had given it a great 
deal of his time, and had finally dismissed it with reluctance. We 
have since been told that the Queen herself intervened, but we 
rather think that the appearance of the Russian fleets at New York ' 
and San Francisco — with orders, as afterward transpired, to place 
themselves at the disposal of the United States government — cut at 
least some figure in Lord Palmerston's philosophy." 

So much for history ! The wonderful array of political intrigues, 
negotiations, conflicting efforts, and warlike demonstrations, sup- 
posed to have taken place in the space of a few weeks, perhaps 
only of a few days, does infinite credit to the dramatic imagination 
of the author, as well as to the spirit of enterprise which distin- 
guished his dramatis personae. Indeed, the tenor of the whole 
article, with the Queen and the Russian fleets thrown in, appeals so 
strongly to one's sense of humor that it seems a pity to mar by any 
commentaries the comical foundation of the scene. 

Nor are the afterthoughts intended to supply motives for these 
imaginary facts less ingeniously contrived. I quote again from the 
aforementioned letter to the editor of the Washington Post (March 
16, 1901): 

* * * << There was a strong feeling at the time west of the 


370 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

Mississippi river that the Confederacy was doomed, and the effort 
was to preserve the part of the United States west of the river to 
the Pacific Ocean as a slaveholding Confederacy. Of course, if the 
European nations adopted the plan, it was certain that the vast ma- 
jority of the negroes from the Carolinas to the river would be moved 
across it and that section would be an agricultural free-trade com- 
munity. It was, of course, an irridescent dream, but some of the 
ablest men in the South were dreaming it." 

I should feel inclined to think that it is the dream of a dreamer, 
and that the correspondent of the Washington Post has dreamed it, 
for I have known all the most prominent men of the South and 
many others who might well come within the designation of "some 
of the ablest men," and never heard any of them as much as hint at 
such a venture. Indeed, many of them knew too well that the in- 
stitution of slavery proved the greatest bar to every hope of foreign 
assistance, and that the establishment of a new slaveholding com- 
munity with the aid of a foreign power was an absolute impossi- 
bility. But apart from this negative objection, I am able to give 
information of a positive nature which will point to the same conclu- 

I said that while I was at Shreveport, preparing for my journey, 
Governor Allen had imparted to me a scheme he was then revolving 
in his mind. I will now disclose it. Seeing that the South could 
not replace its fallen combatants, whereas the North disposed of an 
ever-increasing army of foreign mercenaries; moreover, that when- 
ever the Federals obtained temporary possession of Southern soil, 
they kidnapped the negroes and pressed them into military service, 
Governor Allen's idea was to arm the negroes, and as a consequence 
to give them their freedom. I remember his very words: "Of 
course," he said, "we must give them their freedom." Such a 
plan is obviously incompatible with the notion of a retrocession of 
Louisiana as a slave-holding community, and some interesting con- 
clusions can be drawn from it. 

In the first place, it shows that a prominent Southern man, thor- 
oughly acquainted with all the conditions of political- and social life 
in the Southern States, felt a perfect confidence in the loyalty of the 
black population. Many Northern men would, no doubt, have con- 
sidered the arming of the slaves as a risky undertaking on the part 
of the South. 

But the history of the war bears out Governor Allen's confidence. 
During the four years the contest lasted no negro outrage or dis- 
turbance, arising out of the circumstances, has to my knowledge 
been recorded, nor is it possible to deny that the total want of effer- 
vescense in the black population in times where every facility for 
revolt was afforded them, bears testimony to and throws a favorable 
light upon the way in which the institution of slavery was under- 
stood and put into practice in the Southern States. 

On the other hand, it is impossible to admit that Governor Allen 
should have brooded over such a scheme as I have stated had he 

Prison Life of Jefferson Davis. 371 

not conceived at least the possibility of its adoption, and this points 
to the conclusion that the leading minds in the South were, to his 
knowledge, very far from identifying slavery, in the abstract, with 
the Confederate cause. In corroboration of this inference I would 

i. A proclamation of President Abraham Lincoln, issued at the 
beginning of the war. In it he tried to bribe the Southern States 
back into the Union by the promise of the maintenance of slavery, 
and failed. 

2. A speech by President Jefferson Davis, delivered, I believe, in 
1864, and at Alanta, Ga. In it he expressed the following senti- 
ments (I quote from memory): "There are some who talk of a 
return to the Union with slavery maintained, but who would thus 
sacrifice honor to interest." 

With this quotation I will close my narrative. The plain state- 
ment of facts it contains will, I have no doubt, convince any unbiased 
reader that the supposed scheme of a retrocession of Louisiana 
never had any foundation in fact. Indeed, I should not have 
thought it necessary even to contradict such a myth were it not that 
my silence might have been misinterpreted and allowed some cloud 
of suspicion to hover over the memory of departed friends. Their 
unsullied honor and untarnished fame are, however, in themselves 
proof against attacks which, be they base or futile, must inevitably 
recoil upon their authors, exposing them to ridicule or contempt. 

C. J. Polignac. 

Villa Jessie, Cannes, France, April iy, igoi. 


[See Ante, pp. 338-46.] 

Savannah, Ga., Feb. 20, 1905. 

Writing to the Savannah Press, Mrs. Jefferson Davis calls upon 
General Nelson A. Miles to produce a letter, which he claims to 
have from her, thanking him for his kind treatment of President 
Davis at Fortress Monroe, or to cease referring to it. 

Her letter says in part: 

" I have not the least memory of having written such a note to 
him. It is conceivable that whilst in ignorance of the facts, or in 
hopeful recognition of some improvement in the treatment inflicted 
upon my husband, I may have made some acknowledgement of 
what I may have construed as common humanity at a time, when 

372 Southern Historical Society Papers. 

had I known the facts as they existed, I neither could nor would 
have written, save in indignant protest. 

" Forty years have passed since General Miles perpetrated the 
cruelties for which he is now undergoing some measure of punish- 
ment at the hands of his own public. During that period, he has 
not hesitated to shift the responsibility for his acts upon others. 
The publication of instructions under which he claims to have acted 
and the correspondence which led up to them, have long since con- 
vinced every candid mind that his treatment of Mr. Davis was gra- 
tuitous, neither justified nor required by the orders of his superiors. 

' ' The public attention cannot be deflected from the terrible charges 
under which General Miles rests by a controversy over a letter con- 
cerning even the existence of which no stronger proof is advanced 
than the bare assertion of General Miles. But in-so-far as it may 
be of any importance, my estimate of General Miles' character is 
such that I am constrained to demand that if the letter exists a 
photographic reproduction showing the date, the place of writing, 
the contents and the signature be given to the public. If it is of the 
vital importance which General Miles seems to claim, surely the sit- 
uation from his own standpoint suggests that the slight trouble in- 
volved would be justified. 

" In a memoir of Mr. Davis' life, written by myself, after his 
death, I exposed General Miles as fully as I thought was needful, 
but purposely added very little to the testimony of General Miles' 
subaltern, Dr. Craven, furnished in his Prisoyi Life of Jefferson 
Davis, printed and published whilst Mr. Davis was still a prisoner. 
I had experienced so many times General Miles' adroit evasions and 
substitutions of his own invention for the truth in other matters, that 
I did not choose to rest on my unsupported testimony. My daugh- 
ter has answered General Miles' untruthful version of his conduct 
given to the public after forty years of putative silence broken only 
by rumors of secret asseveration of his innocence and invective 
against me and in many other of the devious ways with which he 
seems familiar. While the witnesses were alive, why did he not put 
in his defense and tax his subaltern with falsehood ? Awakened to 
the heinousness of his conduct by a closer association with educated 
gentlemen, he doubtless feels the shame which stabs and clings to 
him now that the passions attendant upon war are passing away and 
he stands forth revealed to his countrymen in his true light. We 
are cautioned in Holy Writ not to bring a ' railing accusation ' 
against any sinner however great his fault, and I do not desire any 
controversy with anyone, especially not with one whose perceptions 
of truth are so vague and misty. 

" Respectfully, 

"V. Jefferson Davis." 


Adams, Charles Frarteis, 114. 

Alabama, Losses inflicted by the cruiser, 115. 

Allen, Governor H. W., 366; Proposed to 
arm the slaves, 370. 

Allen, Colonel James W., 174. 

Appomattox Courthouse, Details of the sur- 
render, at 355; the flag of truce, 369; 
stands of arms surendered, at 363. 

Armistead, killed, General L. A., 34. 

Ashe, Captain S. A., 320. 

Assumption Bill, The, 15. 

Baldwin, Colonel John B., 175. 

Banks, Defeat of General, 252. 

Bate, General W. B., 132. 

Beall, Captain John Yates, Execution of, 
124, 131. 

Beauregard, General G. T., 123. 

Belmont, Battle of, 125. 

Benjamin, J. P., 107; after the war in Eng- 
land, 170; his estimate of Gladstone and 
D'Israeli, 171. 

Bentonville, Battle of, 295. 

Berkeley, Colonel Edmund, 223. 

Bethel, Battle of, 289. 

Beverley, Road to, 10. 

Blockading, Confederate, insufficient, 111; 
private, 114. 

Bloody Angle, The, 200. 

Booth, J. W., Why he shot Lincoln, 99. 

Bragg, General Braxton, 127. 

Braxton's Battery, 240. 

Breast-plates in Federal Army, 221. 

Brown, Execution of John, 279. 

Buchanan, Admiral Franklin, 244. 

Buchanan, President Against Coercion, 31. 

Buell, General Don Carlos, 124, 131. 

Bullock, Captain James D., 114. 

Burnside, General A. E., 265. 

Burton, General H. W., 346. 

Caddall, J. B., 174. 

Calhoun, John C, 28, 106. 

Campbell, John A, 107. 

Cameran, W. E., 347. 

Carrington, Colonel H. A., Sketch of, 216. 

Carter, Colonel, killed, 8. 

Carter, Lieutenant Henrv C, wounded, 6. 

Carter, Colonel Thomas H., 233. 

Cedar Creek, Battle of, 223; forces at, 225; 

casualties in, 231. 
Cavalry, Reorganization of, in 1862, 6 . 
Chamberlain, General J. L., 355. 
Chambersburg, Burning of, 93. 
Chandler, Colonel C, killed, 336. 
Charlotte Rifles, 18th Va., 216. 
Chase, Salmon P., 29. 
Chattanooga, Location of, 300. 
Chickamauga, Battle of, 154, 299; position 

of Forrest at, 302; losses at, 309. 
Claiborne Guards, Organization of, 329. 
Clay, Henry, 30. 

Clark, Governor Henrv F., 291. 

Clifford, Mrs. B. G., 99. 

Cline, William R., 243. 

Cobb, General T. R. R., killed, 273. 

Cold Harbor, Battle of, 336. 

Color-Bearers, Gallantry of, 241. 

Compton, Sergeant W. A., 203. 

Confederation, Articles of, 13. 

Confederate, Diplomacy, 102; commisioners 
to Europe, 108; capture of Mason and 
Slidell, 108; needs in arms, etc., Ill; 
"Cotton Obligations" proposed, 112; 
. Treasury — gold of, guarded to Atlanta, 
157; Naval School, 157; iron-clads blown 
up, 160; naval department, 240; flags cap- 
tured, those of Virginia, 191; first sur- 
geon killed, 200; flag with white field, 
first appearance of, 240; government es- 
tablished, 282; Constitution, 289; soldiers, 
lines to, 297; achievements of, an Epiu, 

Congressional Compromise, 25, 26, 30. 

Constitution, Adoption of the Federal, 14; 
its construction, 16, 139. 

Cummings, Colonel A. C, 97, 174. 

Dabney, D. D., Rev. Robert L., 3. 

Dana, C. A., 340. 

Daniel, Hon. John W., 174, 183, 223. 

Daves, Major Graham, 275. 

Davis, Jefferson, trusted by Calhoun, 106; 
his "Rise and Fall of the Confederate 
States Government," 109; beauty and 
purity of character of, 294; last escort of, 
337; prison life of and fellow prisoners, 
338, 371. 

DeBell, Captain J. B., 144. 

DeLeon, T. C, 146. 

DeLeon, Edward, 115. 

Dinkins, Captain James, 250, 299. 

Dispatch, Capture of Confederate, 69. 

Donelson, Surrender of Fort, 126. 

Dred Scott Decision, 31. 

Duke, General Basil W., 132. 

DuBosie, John Witherspoon, 102. 

Earlv, Everett, 207. 

Earlv, General J. A. Vindicated, 224. 

Early, J. Cabell, 222. 

Echols, General John, 174. 

Ellis, Governor John W., 275, 291. 

Embargo Act of 1807, 17. 

Engineer Troops, Parole list of, 51. 

Erlanger & Co., Proposition of, 113. 

Eustace, Lieutenant, killed, 240. 

Featherstone-Posev-Harris, Miss, Brigade; 

Organization and services of, 329, 330, 331, 

Federal Army, Foreign Elements of, 6; 

"Union Hessians" and Negroes in, 113, 

125, 205. 



Federal and Confederate Armies, Disparity 

Between, 10; relative numbers of, 116; 

87, 90, 98, 225, 250, 251, 256, 303, 312. 
Fielding, Midshipman F. H., 159. 
Finney, Colonel W. W., 134. 
Five Forks, Battle of, 11, 356. 
Flag, Confederate States, with white field, 

first appearance of, 240. 
Fleet, Captain C. R., 240. 
Fleetwood, Battle of, 7. 
Fleet in the Mississippi, Attempted Sale of 

to the Confederacy, 58. 
Four-Deep Order, 175. 
Fox, Captain, killed, 8. 
Fox Chase, An Army, 267. 
Frazier's Farm, Battle of, 333. 
Fredericksburg, Artillery, The, 240; Battle 

of, 240; December 10, 1862, 269. 
Frederick City, Md., Victory at, 255. 

Gaines' Mill, From, to Westover, 3. 

Gettysburg Campaign, 8, 31, 113, 183. 

Gibson, Colonel J. Catlett, 200. 

Girardev, General J. V., 322. 

Gladden, General A. H., 132. 

Gladstone on Cruelty of the Bourbons at 

Naples, 344. 
Glenney, D. W., Desertion of, 58. 
Gordon's Reminiscences, General J. B., 69, 

178, 200, 212, 227. 
Gregg, Fort, Fall of, 337. 
Griffin, Major Samuel, 1. 
Griffith-Barksdale-Humphrey Brigade, 250; 

gallantry of, 261. 

Haas, I. O., 98. 

Halleck, General H. W., 123. 

Hammond, Captain, killed, 8. 

Hampton, General Wade, 42; portrait of 
presented to Lee Camp, C. V., 134; de- 
scent, ability, nobility of character, and 
patriotisms, 137; tribute of General Lee 
to, 140, 164. 

Hanover Junction, Engagement at, 136. 

Harper, Colonel Kenton, 174. 

Harper's Ferry, Capture of, 257. 

Harris, Adjutant H. V., 191. 

Harris, Governor Isham G., 133. 

Harris, Dr. John W., 157. 

Harris, General N. H., 336. 

Harrison, General W. H., 213. 

Helm, General B. H., killed, 306. 

Henry, Surrender of Fort, 126. 

Hill, Benjamin H., 107. 

Historic Waters of Virginia, Defences of, 

Hoffman, Captain John S., 204. 

Holze, Henry, 115. 

Hood, General' J. B., Hisi career, 151. 

Hood, Ida Richardson, 156. 

Housatonic, The, 111. 

Howell, Miss, 148. 

Hull's Surrender, General, 23. 

Hunley, The, Captain Dixon, 111. 

Hunton, General Eppa, his service at Bull 
Run, 143. 

Huse, Captain Caleb, 112. 

Ingraham, D. N., 111. 

Jackson, General T. J., death of, 94; strat- 
egy of, 299; his last order, 95. 

Jayne, General Joseph M, 334. 

Jessie Scout, Capture of, 69. 

Johnson, General Bradley T., gallantry of, 

Johnston, General Albert Sidney, 112, 127, 

Johnston, General J. E., his proposition to 
invade the North, 112. 

Jones, D. D., Rev. J. W., 41, 47. 
Jordan, Captain F. M., 117. 

Kershaw, General J. B., 239. 
King, Captain T. H., killed, 304. 

Lafayette, Prisoner at Olmutz, 344. 

Lamb, Hon. John, 1, 195. 

Lee Camp, Confederate Veterans; its gal- 
lery of portraits, 2, 134. 

Lee, Cazenove G., 46. 

Lee, General R. E., "to the rear," 202, 212. 
imperishable glory of, 294, 336; his esti- 
mate of Jackson, 97. 

Lee, General Stephen D., 178, 310. 

Letcher, Governor John, 43. 

Lilley, General R. D., 91. 

Lincoln, 99; election of, 279; vote for, 280; 
his call for troops in 1861, 285, 371. 

Loehr, Charles T., 33. 

Louisiana, Purchase of, 18; its cession to 
France not proposed, 364. 

Lomax, General L. L., 235. 

MeCabe, Captain W. Gordon, 42. 

McClellan, General George B., 3, 250. 

McClellan, Major H. B., 3. 

McGuire, Dr. Hunter, 96. 

McNeily, Captain J. S., 223. 

McRae, Hon. Colin J., 114. 

Manassas, First Battle of, 145, 175. 

Manassas, Second Battle of, 4, 77, 153. 

Mann, A. Dudley, 108. 

Martin, Colonel Rawley, 183. 

Marye's Hill, Battle of, 272. 

Marye, Captain E. S., 240. 

Maryland, Lee's Invasion of, 5, 255. 

Mason, Hon. John M., 108. 

Masonic Sign of Distress in War, 84. 

Maury, Commodore M. F., 114. 

May, Lieutenant-Commander R. L., 65. 

Mayo, Colonel Joseph, 34. 

Memminger, C. G., 107. 

Miles, General N. A., as jailer, 338, 391. 

Miltenberger, Colonel Ernest, 367. 

Minnigerode, D. D., Rev. Charles, 147. 

Missouri, Compromise, The, 26. 

Moncure, Major T. C, 367. 

Morris, Lieutenant, killed, 240. 

Munford, General T. T., portrait of, 1; his 

services and tenderness of character, 12. 
Murray, Miss Amelia, Tour of, 103. 

Napoleon, Emperor Louis, 110. 
Nashville, Abandonment of. 126. 
New Orleans, Battle of, 23. 

sion in 1812, 15, 24. 
New England, Treason of in 1809, 21; seces- 
North Carolina, Events in 1861, 271; in 177b, 

288, 289. 
North, The Political Bargain of, 14; spirit 

of, 22; its hatred of the South, 29. 
Nullification, Ordinance of, 30. 

O'Ferrall, Hon. C. T., 134. 
Ord, General E. O. C, 359. 

Parker, Captain William H., 157. 

Paris, Count of, 123. 

Patterson, Colonel Joseph, 132. 

"Pawnee Sunday," 147. 

Paxton, A. S., 93. 

Peabody, Colonel Everett, 132. 

Peabody, George, 114. 

Pegram's Battalion, 240. 

Petersburg to Appomattox, Retreat from, 

bridges burned, 67. 
Pettus, Governor John J., 58. 



Pickett, General G. E., his position at Get- 
tysburg and charge of his Division, 187, 

Poindexter, W. B., 121. 

Polk, General L., 125. 

Polignac, General C. J., his mission to 
France, 364. 

Pope, General John, Retreat of 77, 251, 

Preston, Colonel James F., 174. 

Protective Policy, The, 30. 

Pulaski Guards, Company C, 4th Virginia 
organization of, 175. 

Quincy, Josiah, on Secession, 19. 

Raith, Colonel Julius, 132. 

Raleigh, N. C, Commission for the Surren- 
der of, 164. 

Randolph, Captain William, 94. 

Rawlings, Lieutenant E. G., killed, 87. 

Rebel Yell, Original, 175. 

Reed, Major D. W., 123. 

Resolutions of 1798-'9, 17. 

Revolutions of 1861 and 1776 Compared, 292. 

Rhett, Robert Barnwell, his provision of 
treaty rights, 205. 

Richardson, C. A., 172. 

Richmond, Burning of in April, 1865, 73; 
Federal force which entered, 76. 

Ripley, Colonel E. H., 76. 

Rodes, General R. E., 91, 330. 

Rost, F. A., 108. 

St. Paul's Church, 147. 

Saunders, W. J., 283. 

Secession, in 1812, 15, 24; right of, 283. 

Seddon, James A., 107. 

Seminary Ridge, 34. 

Semmes, General J. P., 228. 

Semmes, Admiral Raphael, 111, 160. 

Seven Days' Battles, 250, 332. 

Sharpsburg, Battle of, 263. 

Shenandoah, Cruise of the, 320; carried Con- 
federate flag around the world, 328. 

Shenandoah Valley, Campaign of the, 97. 

Sheridan's, Gen. P. H., Bummers, savagery 
of, 89; cavalry, 234. 

Sherman,, General W. T., 125, 164; expedi- 
tion of from Vicksburg to Meridian, 300; 
his vandalism, 319. 

Shiloh, Battle of and the National Military 
Park and monuments of, 122; forces en- 
gaged at, 128. 

Slavery, Constitutional, 27; South opposed 
to extension of, 104. 

Slaughter, Surgeon Alfred, first killed, 200. 

Slidell, Hon. John, 108, 110. 

Smith, Captain B. H., wounded, 6. 

Smith, General E. Kirbv, 365. 

Smith, Captain John Holmes, 183. 

Smith, D. D., Rev. J. P., 135. 

Smith, General Preston, killed, 304. 

Smith, Dr. W. W., 200. 

Smith, Governor William, 238. 

South, Foreign Enemies of the, 103; sympa- 
thizers of the, 103; exports of the, 105; 
loss of the, in noble men, 180. 

South Carolina Under Reconstruction Shack- 
les, 140. 

Spotsylvania Courthouse, Battle of, 200, 

Stanton, Frank, 297. 

States, The Rights of, 16. 

Stewart, Colonel William H., 338. 

Stonewall Brigade, Composition of, 97. 

Stewart's, J. E. B., inarch around the Fed- 
erals, 7; his death, 47. 

Stronach, Major A. B., 164. 

Sumter, Fall of Fort, 284. 

Talcott, Colonel T. M. R., 51, 67. 
Taylor, Colonel William H., 332. 
Tennessee Troops in Confederate States 

Army, 179. 
Terreli, Colonel, 204. 
Tom's Brook, Battle of, 10. 
Toombs, Hon. Robert, 107. 
Tucker, Commodore J. Randolph, 351. 

Valley Campaign, The, 10. 

Vance, Governor Z. B., vindicated, 164. 

Venable, Colonel Charles S., 236. 

Vicksburg, Siege of, 115. 

Virginia, Infantry, the 1st at Gettysburg, 
33; casualties of, 39; 21st at Second Ma- 
nassas, 77; Contribution of to the Confed- 
erate States Army, 43. 

Virginia, The Iron-Clad; what she did, 273; 
her officers, 249, 347, 348. 

Waddell, Captain James Iredell, 320. 

Walker, General James A., 175. 

Walker, Lerov Pope, 111. 

Walker, Norman S., 115. 

Wallace, General Lew, 128. 

Wallace, General W. H. L., 132. 

War, 1861-'5, Causes of the, 13, 275. 

War of 1812, 19. 

Webster, Daniel, 29. 

Weldon Railroad, Battle of, 337. 

Wells, Edward L., 41. 

Wells, Julian L., 13. 

Wheeler, Major-General Joseph, 41. 

Whittle, Captain W. C, 223. 

Wickham, General W. C, 9. 

Wig-fall, General Louis T., 107. 

Welbourn, Captain R. E., 94. 

Wilderness Campaign, 9, 334. 

Williams, Colonel Lewis B., killed, 38. 

Withers, Colonel R. E., 219. 

Worsham, John H., 77. 

Women of the South in 1861-'65, 146, 290. 

Wynn of the Signal Corps Killed, 95. 

Yancey, William L., 117. 

Zollicoffer, General Felix, 125.